Article contents
Women Preachers in the Bible Christian Connexion*
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 July 2014
Extract
In 1862 Mary O'Bryan Thorne, daughter of the founder of the Bible Christian Connexion and a Bible Christian local preacher, wrote in her diary: “At our East Street anniversary I spoke at 11, and Serena [her daughter] at 2:30 and 6; one was converted in the evening.” She regarded this as a routine engagement; something she had been doing since her sixteenth year, and that her daughter had every right to continue. Female traveling preachers (itinerants) were important, perhaps crucial, in establishing the Bible Christians as a separate denomination and their use was never formally abandoned. The persistence of this tradition makes their history an important case study of women preachers’ experience in nineteenth-century Britain, showing a trend toward marginalization similar to the experience of many other nineteenth-century women who sought to enter increasingly professionalized occupations open only to men. Even in the early years of the Connexion when the organizational structure was fluid and evolving, women were never on an equal footing with male preachers. With the development of a formal organization in the 1830s their numbers started to drop and the gap between male and female responsibilities widened, with women never assigned the full duties of male ministry.
- Type
- Research Article
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © North American Conference on British Studies 2004
Footnotes
I would like to thank Joan Mills for sharing her work on female Bible Christian itinerants; the Rev. Keith Parsons for copies of his transcription of Lois Thorne's diary and his biography of her; George Potter for arranging to have Serena Thorne's diary, owned by the Uniting Churches of South Australia, photocopied; librarians at the John Rylands Library, University of Manchester, particularly Gareth Lloyd, the Royal Institution, Cornwall, and Shebbear School; Connie Gates, Tom Lloyd, and Jane Ellis for research assistance. Some of the research for this article was funded by SUNY College at Brockport and United University Professions.
References
1 Mary O'Bryan Thorne Diary, Jan.14, 1862 (Shaw Collection, Royal Institution Library, Truro, Cornwall).
2 For the history of women in the Connexion before 1850 see Valenze, Deborah, Prophetic Sons and Daughters (Princeton, 1985)Google Scholar and Shorney, David, “‘Women May Preach but Men Must Govern’: Gender Roles in the Growth and Development of the Bible Christian Denomination,” in Gender and Christian Religion: Studies in Church History 8 (Woodbridge, 1998), pp. 309–22Google Scholar.
3 For the exclusion of women from the medical and legal professions, see Poovey, Mary, Uneven Developments: The Ideological Work of Gender in Nineteenth-Century England (Chicago, 1988), pp. 40–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Davidoff, Leonore and Hall, Catherine, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class (Chicago, 1987), pp. 260–65Google Scholar; Vicinus, Martha, Independent Women (Chicago, 1985), pp. 27–30Google Scholar.
4 “Connexion” was used by Methodist sects to emphasize their organizational separation from but doctrinal connection with Wesleyan Methodism. “Bible Christian” referred to the Connexion's perceived greater emphasis on biblical authority. They were also called Bryanites or Free Willers. See Shaw, Thomas, The Bible Christians 1815-1907 (London, 1965), p. 22Google Scholar.
5 Kent, John, Wesley and the Wesleyans: Religion in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Cambridge, 2002), p. 6CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
6 Kent, Wesley and Wesleyans, ch. 4; Valenze, , Prophetic Sons, p. 92Google Scholar; Swift, Wesley F., “The Women Itinerant Preachers of Early Methodism,” Proceedings of the Wesley Historical Society 29 (1953): 76–83Google Scholar.
7 Minutes of the Methodist Conferences (London, 1862), p. 187Google Scholar.
8 Mack, Phyllis, Visionary Women: Ecstatic Prophecy in Seventeenth-Century England (Berkeley, 1992), pp. 9–11Google Scholar. Women occasionally addressed the Men's Yearly Meeting; see Isichei, Elizabeth, Victorian Quakers (Oxford, 1970), p. 95Google Scholar.
9 Taft, Zachariah, Thoughts on Female Preaching with Extracts from the Writings of Locke, Martin, etc. (Dover, 1803)Google Scholar.
10 Kent argues that the “failure to make more generous use of women partly explains why Wesleyanism had lost its unity by the 1840s (Wesley and Wesleyans, p. 121).
11 Valenze, , Prophetic Sons, pp. 10, 22–27Google Scholar.
12 O'Bryan, William, “The Rise and Progress of the Connexion of People Called the Arminian Bible Christians,” Arminian Magazine (Aug. 1823): 256–57Google Scholar.
13 Bourne, F. W., The Centenary Life of James Thorne (London, 1895), pp. 178–79Google Scholar.
14 Graham, E. Dorothy, “Chosen by God: The Female Itinerants of Early Primitive Methodism” (D.Phil. Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1986), p. 33Google Scholar; Werner, Julia Stewart, The Primitive Methodist Connexion: Its Background and Early History (Madison, 1984), p. 142Google Scholar.
15 Barker, David, A Catechism of the Methodist New Connexion, Shewing the Origin of that Community, with the Great Principles on Which It Is Founded (London & Ashton-under-Lyne, 1834), p. 37Google Scholar.
16 Clark, Anna, The Struggle for the Breeches: Gender and the Making of the British Working Class (Berkeley, 1995), pp. 107–11Google Scholar.
17 “The Experience of Catherine Cowlin,” last volume of William O'Bryan's diary, John Rylands Library, pp. 4, 6.
18 “Rise and Progress,” Arminian Magazine (Apr. 1923): 113–14, (Sept. 1824): 296Google Scholar.
19 “Rise and Progress,” Arminian Magazine (Oct. 1823): 330Google Scholar.
20 Catherine O'Bryan to Mary O'Bryan Sept. 24, 1818, John Rylands Library: Court Collection MS 92.5.
21 William O'Bryan to Mary O'Bryan Sept. 9, 1823, Court Collection MS 92.7.
22 Thorne, Samuel, William O'Bryan, Founder of the Bible Christians (Plymouth, 1888), p. 80Google Scholar.
23 Bourne, F. W., The Bible Christians: Their Origin and History (London, 1905), p. 413Google Scholar.
24 Ibid., p. 413.
25 Ibid., p. 413; Shorney, , “Women May Preach,” pp. 314–15Google Scholar.
26 Valenze, , Prophetic Sons, pp. 136–37Google Scholar; Andrews, J. H. B., “The Rise of the Bible Christians,” Transactions of the Devon Association 96 (1964), p. 179Google Scholar.
27 In a sample of 28 female preachers (not confined to Bible Christians) between 1827 and 1841, 11 of 28 (39%) first preached in their teens and 6 more in their early twenties (Valenze, , Prophetic Sons, p. 114)Google Scholar.
28 Bourne, , Bible Christians, p. 81Google Scholar; Minutes of the Conferences of the Bible Christian Connexion (Mill Pleasant, 1819)Google Scholar.
29 “A Discourse in Vindication of the Gospel Being Published by Females,” Arminian Magazine 2, 12 (Dec. 1823): 405–25Google Scholar. While O'Bryan's defense was similar to those of Zachariah Taft and Hugh Bourne, with which he was probably familiar (Werner, , Primitive Methodist Connexion, p. 21Google Scholar), he did not deal with two texts (I Cor.i.27 and Acts.ii.18) that Valenze (Prophetic Sons, p. 97) points out have gender connotations, referring to women as weaker vessels and slaves. It is possible O'Bryan did not wish to alienate his wife or Mary Thorne with such analogies.
30 Shorney, , “Women May Preach,” p. 316Google Scholar.
31 Mills, Joan, “What Are Our Thoughts on Female Preachers?” (unpublished MS.), p. 19Google Scholar.
32 Pyke, Richard, The Golden Chain (London, n.d.), opposite p. 46Google Scholar.
33 Thorne, John, James Thorne of Shebbear, A Memoir: compiled from his diary and letters, By his son (London, 1873), p. 144Google Scholar.
34 Bourne, , Bible Christians, p. 112Google Scholar.
35 Arminian Magazine (Dec. 1823): 423Google Scholar.
36 Arminian Magazine (Mar. 1828): 112–13Google Scholar.
37 Arminian Magazine (June 1823): 213Google Scholar.
38 Short, Colin C., “The Bible Christians in Scotland,” Proceedings of the Wesleyan Historical Society 48 (Oct. 1991): 91–92Google Scholar.
39 Mary O'Bryan diary, July 10, 1823
40 Bourne, , Bible Christians, p. 155Google Scholar.
41 Mary O'Bryan diary, Dec. 7, 1823; Pyke, , Golden Chain, p. 56Google Scholar.
42 Bourne, , Bible Christians, pp. 78, 112, 115Google Scholar; Pyke, Golden Chain, ch. 8.
43 Pyke, , Golden Chain, p. 45Google Scholar.
44 Arminian Magazine (Sept. 1823): 323–24Google Scholar.
45 Bourne, , Bible Christians, p. 113Google Scholar.
46 Arminian Magazine (August 1824): 281–86Google Scholar.
47 Catherine O'Bryan, “My Pulpit Feelings,” lines1–6, transcription, Shaw Collection, Royal Cornwall Institution.
48 Mary O'Bryan diary, Apr. 13, 1824.
49 Shorney, , “Women May Preach,” pp. 318–19Google Scholar.
50 Rev.Burnside, A., “The Bible Christians in Canada 1832-1884” (DT diss., Toronto Graduate School of Theological Studies, 1969), p. 284Google Scholar.
51 Freeman, Ann, A Memoir of the Life and Ministry of Ann Freeman, A Faithful Servant of Jesus Christ and an Account of Her Death by Her Husband Henry Freeman (London, 1826), pp. 21, 24-25, 36, 60, 71Google Scholar.
52 Bible Christian Magazine (Nov. 1865): 490Google Scholar.
53 Valenze, , Prophetic Sons, p. 141Google Scholar.
54 Anderson, Olive, “Women Preachers in Mid-Victorian Britain: Some Reflexions on Feminism, Popular Religion, and Social Change,” Historical Journal 12, 3 (1969): 469CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
55 Rowe, John, Cornwall in the Age of the Industrial Revolution (2d. ed.; St. Austell, 1993), p. 247Google Scholar.
56 Bourne, , Bible Christians, pp. 38, 347Google Scholar; Deacon, Lois, So I Went My Way: William Mason and His Wife Mary (London, 1951), pp. 24, 30Google Scholar.
57 Thorne, S. L., A Funeral Sermon Occasioned by the Death of Mrs. Catherine O'Bryan, Wife of Mr. William O'Bryan, Founder of the Bible Christians (Shebbear, 1860), p. 23Google Scholar.
58 Bible Christian Magazine (Apr. 1890): 212Google Scholar.
59 Johnson, Dale A., ed. Women in English Religion 1700-1925 (New York, 1983), p. 63Google Scholar.
60 Wilson, L., “Constrained by Zeal: Women in Mid-Nineteenth-Century Nonconformist Churches,” Journal of Religious History 23 (June, 1999): 193–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
61 Lewis Court, extracts from Chatham Circuit Book, Court Collection MS 91.5. In 1820 Grace Barrett was traveling and preaching without pay and lent William O'Bryan £50 to help build chapels (Bourne, , James Thorne, p. 145Google Scholar).
62 Bourne, , Bible Christians, p. 81Google Scholar; Mills, , “What Are Our Thoughts,” p. 11Google ScholarPubMed.
63 Shorney, , “Women May Preach,” p. 320Google Scholar.
64 William O'Bryan to Mary O'Bryan July 9, 1824, Court Collection MS. 91.15. Mary never recorded any such celebration in her diary. Graham identifies one instance of a female Primitive Methodist administering the Lord's Supper, but none of baptism (“Chosen by God,” pp. 98, 104).
65 Arminian Magazine (Dec. 1826); 399–400Google Scholar. When William Mason arrived shortly afterward, he agreed that Mary Ann Werrey should be relieved, but he wrote, “If the woman was to be taken away and not another sent, I believe many would not attend at all who now do….I must desire to have a female of a strong constitution” (Arminian Magazine, [Feb. 1827]: 37Google Scholar).
66 Catherine O'Bryan to Mary O'Bryan, June 10, 1823, Cornwall Public Record Office X241/4.
67 Freeman, Henry, False Prophets Described, and Thoughts on the Call, Appointment, and Support of Ministers, also on Worship and a Vindication of the Ministry of Women (Dublin, 1824), p. 27Google Scholar.
68 A Digest of the Rules, Regulations, and Usages of the People Denominated Bible Christians (Devon, 1838), p. 11Google Scholar.
69 Pyke, , Golden Chain, p. 61Google Scholar. The 1837 allowances were more generous but equally unequal.
70 Minutes, 1820, pp. 7, 16Google ScholarPubMed; ibid., 1825, p. 8.
71 Minutes, 1820, p. 10Google ScholarPubMed; Mary O'Bryan diary, Nov. 13, 1824, Aug. 15, 1825.
72 Graham, , “Chosen by God,” pp. 271, 287Google Scholar.
73 Half the women who joined the Primitive Methodist itineracy between 1824 and 1828 had left by 1828 (Graham, , “Chosen by God,” p. 82Google Scholar).
74 Statistics from Mills “What Are Our Thoughts,” and Beckerlegge, O., United Methodist Ministers and Their Circuits (London, 1968)Google Scholar. Possibly, some men preached for only one or two years trying to avoid “going on the parish” at a time of high unemployment. See Turner, J. Munsey, “Primitive Methodism from Mow Cop to Peake's Commentary,” in From Mow Cop to Peake, 1807-1932 (Wesley Historical Society, Yorkshire Branch, 1982), p. 4Google Scholar.
75 Beckerlegge, United Methodist Ministers, passim; Mills, , “What Are Our Thoughts,” pp. 28–29Google ScholarPubMed.
76 Mills, , “What Are Our Thoughts,” pp. 8, 18, 40–41Google ScholarPubMed.
77 Mary O'Bryan diary, Aug. 10, 1825.
78 Beckerlegge, United Methodist Ministers, passim.
79 Maynes, Mary Jo and Waltner, Ann, “Women's Life-Cycle Transitions in A World-Historical Perspective,” Journal of Women's History 12, 4 (Winter 2001): 13CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hunt, Margaret R., The Middling Sort: Commerce, Gender, and the Family in England, 1680-1780 (Berkeley, 1996), p. 81Google Scholar.
80 William O'Bryan diary, Oct. 8, 1825; Mary O'Bryan diary, Aug. 15, 1825.
81 Mary O'Bryan diary, Aug. 7, 1825, Aug. 15, 1825.
82 Mary O'Bryan Thorne diary, Jan. 17, 1865. We have no record of what Catherine O'Bryan thought of his regrets, which he reiterated throughout his life, but in old age when they moved between their daughters' households in Manhattan and Brooklyn she usually moved on when her husband arrived.
83 VaIenze, , Prophetic Sons, p. 59Google Scholar; Mary O'Bryan Thorne diary, Jan. 17, 1865.
84 Minutes, 1820, p. 7Google ScholarPubMed.
85 Bourne, , James Thorne, p. 186Google Scholar.
86 The resentment may have been against William Lyle and Mary Ann Soper, who married on June 16, 1823 and disappeared shortly afterwards (Mills, , “What Are Our Thoughts,” p. 57Google ScholarPubMed).
87 Minutes, 1820, p. 7; (1823), p. 8Google ScholarPubMed; Shaw, , Bible Christians, p. 27Google Scholar.
88 Mary O'Bryan Thorne diary, Jan. 17, 1865.
89 “Memoir of R. Sewell,” Bible Christian Magazine (Feb. 1853): 55Google Scholar.
90 He returned six times over the next thirty years, and eventually received an annual pension of £20 from the Connexion.
91 The number of Primitive Methodist female itinerants increased between 1828 and 1832, possibly the result of a crisis in Primitive Methodist finances. Preachers were paid by local circuits (Bible Christian preachers were paid by the Conference), so women were less expensive and therefore attractive to cash-poor circuits (Graham, , “Chosen by God,” pp. 11, 80–81Google Scholar).
92 Statistics from Mills, “What Are Our Thoughts,” and Beckerlegge, United Methodist Ministers.
93 Thorne, Roger, “The Last Bible Christians,” Transactions of the Devon Association 107 (1975), p. 50Google Scholar.
94 Valenze identifies chapel building and numerical growth as the main indicators of institutionalization (Prophetic Sons, pp. 274-81).
95 Shorney, , “Women May Preach.” p 319Google Scholar.
96 “To the circuit stewards, society stewards, class-leaders and principal friends, who feel interested in the establishment and spiritual welfare of the Bible Christian Connexion” (Shebbear, 1830), United Church Archives, Victoria University, Toronto.
97 “History of the Bible Christian College, Shebbear,” Bible Christian Magazine (Nov. 1891): 668–69Google Scholar.
98 Burnside, , “Bible Christians in Canada,” p. 25Google Scholar.
99 Statistics from Mills, “What Are Our Thoughts,” and Beckerlegge, United Methodist Ministers; Graham, , “Chosen by God,” p. 259Google Scholar.
100 Mason, Michael, The Making of Victorian Sexuality (Oxford, 1995), pp. 50–51Google Scholar.
101 Valenze, Deborah, The First Industrial Woman (Oxford, 1995), pp. 182, 185Google Scholar.
102 Valenze, , Prophetic Sons, p. 281Google Scholar.
103 Wickes, Michael J. L., The West Country Preachers (privately published, 1987), p. 56Google Scholar.
104 Mills, , “What Are Our Thoughts,” pp. 35–36Google ScholarPubMed. Martha Hutchings was Mrs. Mills' great-great-grandmother.
105 Mary O'Bryan Thorne diary, Jan. 12, 1864.
106 The James Thorne Centenary: A Souvenir (London, 1895), pp. 63, 71Google Scholar.
107 Mills, , “What Are Our Thoughts,” pp. 35, 68, 70Google ScholarPubMed.
108 Shaw, , Bible Christians, p. 33Google Scholar.
109 Ibid” p. 41
110 Burnside, , “Bible Christians in Canada,” p. 236Google Scholar.
111 Bible Christian Magazine (Mar. 1848): 123Google Scholar.
112 Burnside, , “Bible Christians in Canada,” p. 183Google Scholar.
113 Observer, Aug. 18, 1869Google ScholarPubMed, quoted in Burnside, “Bible Christians in Canada,” p. 373.
114 Burnside, , “Bible Christians in Canada,” pp. 103–4Google Scholar.
115 Observer, Mar. 15, 1882, quoted in Burnside, “Bible Christians in Canada,” p. 372.
116 Burnside, , “Bible Christians in Canada,” p. 373Google Scholar.
117 Octavius Lake, obituary of Serena Lake pasted into the last page of her diary.
118 Shaw, , Bible Christians, pp. 57–58Google Scholar.
119 Ibid., p. 74; Mary O'Bryan Thorne diary, Mar. 8, 1869.
120 The Conference Minutes do not record the cheering, but see Serena Thorne diary, Nov. 24, 1870; Bible Christian Magazine (Dec. 1869): 542Google Scholar. The last Primitive Methodist woman itinerant retired in 1862 (Graham, E. Dorothy, Chosen by God: A List of the Female Travelling Preachers of Early Primitive Methodism [Bunbury, 1989], p. 7Google Scholar).
121 Serena Thorne diary, Nov. 24, 1870, Nov. 28, 1870.
122 Shaw, , Bible Christians, p. 74Google Scholar; Minutes 1870, Resolution IV. 1.29.
123 Beckerlegge, Oliver O., “Women Itinerant Preachers,” Proceedings of the Wesley Histprical Society 30 (1955-1956): 182Google Scholar.
124 Mary O'Bryan Thorne diary, July 22, 1860, Jan. 26, 1861; Obituary of Mrs.Lake, Octavius, Bible Christian Magazine (Sept. 1902): 421Google Scholar.
125 Mary Thorne diary, July 31, 1857, Jan. 26, 1861.
126 Obituary of Serena Lake pasted into the end of her diary.
127 Anderson, , “Women Preachers,” p. 480Google Scholar.
128 Anderson, , “Women Preachers,” pp. 469–72Google Scholar.
129 Bible Christian Magazine (Mar. 1865): 139; (Mar. 1868): 142; (June 1868): 281Google Scholar.
130 Ibid. (Apr. 1893): 238.
131 Mary O'Bryan Thorne diary, July 22, 1860; Apr. 23, 1862; June 7, 1863; Mar. 20, 1864; Oct. 25, 1865; Bourne, , Bible Christians, p. 432Google Scholar.
132 Bible Christian Magazine (Sept. 1870): 434; (Feb. 1871): 88-89Google Scholar.
133 Hunt, Arnold D., The Bible Christians in South Australia (South Australia, 1983), p. 34Google Scholar.
134 Mary O'Bryan Thorne diary, Apr. 3, 1868; June 4, 1871; Hunt, , Bible Christians in South Australia, p. 34Google Scholar.
135 Anderson, , “Women Preachers,” p. 478Google Scholar.
136 Serena Thorne diary, Nov. 24, 1870, Dec. 1, 1870, Dec. 2, 1870.
137 Bible Christian Magazine (June 1868): 290–92Google Scholar.
138 Swain, Shurlee, “In These Days of Female Evangelists and Hallelujah Lasses: Women Preachers and the Redefinition of Gender Roles in the Churches in Late Nineteenth-Century Australia,” Journal of Religious History 26, 1 (Feb. 2002)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
139 Thorne, Susan, “Missionary-Imperial Feminism,” in Gendered Missions: Women and Men in Missionary Discourse and Practice, ed. Huber, Mary Taylor and Lutkehaus, Nancy C. (Ann Arbor, 1999), p. 47Google Scholar.
140 Haggis, Jane, “A Heart that Has Felt the Love of God and Longs for Others to Know It': Conventions of Gender, Tensions of Self and Constructions of Difference in Offering to Be a Lady Missionary,” Women's History Review 7, 2 (1998): 171–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
141 Rules, Regulations, and Usages, (6 ed.; London, 1892), p. 96Google Scholar; Minutes, 1894, p. 53Google ScholarPubMed.
142 Mills, , “What Are Our Thoughts,” p. 26Google ScholarPubMed.
143 Gagan, Rosemary R., A Sensitive Independence: Canadian Methodist Women Missionaries in Canada and the Orient, 1881-1925 (Montreal, 1992), pp. 20, 89Google Scholar.
144 China's Millions: The Monthly Magazine of the China Inland Mission, 1886, p. 62Google Scholar, quoted in Parsons, R. Keith, My Moving Tent: A Biographical Sketch of Lois Anna Thorne (privately published, 1985), p. 5Google Scholar.
145 Minutes, 1905, p. 55Google ScholarPubMed.
146 Parsons, , My Moving Tent, p. 7Google Scholar.
147 Bible Christian Magazine (Oct. 1892): 630Google Scholar.
148 Mills, , “What Are Our Thoughts,” pp. 60–64Google ScholarPubMed.
149 Beckerlegge, , “Women Itinerant Preachers,” p. 182Google Scholar.
150 Bible Christian Magazine (Sept. 1894): 556–57Google Scholar.
151 Minutes, 1894, pp. 46–47Google ScholarPubMed.
152 For deaconesses see Prelinger, Catherine M., Charity, Challenge and Change: Religious Dimensions of the Mid-Nineteenth-Century Women's Movement in Germany (New York, 1987)Google Scholar; Vicinus, Independent Women, ch. 2.
153 See Graham, E. Dorothy, Saved to Serve: The Story of the Wesley Deaconess Order 1890-1978 (Peterborough, 2002)Google Scholar; Smith, Henry, Ministering Women: The Story of the Work of the Sisters Connected with the United Methodist Deaconess Institute (London, n.d). The Primitive Methodists established their Sisters of the People in 1901Google Scholar (Graham, , Saved to Serve, p. 462Google Scholar).
154 Bible Christian Magazine (Sept. 1894): 571–72Google Scholar.
155 Ibid. (Sept. 1894): 556-57.
156 Minutes, 1897, p. 16Google ScholarPubMed.
157 Ibid., 1895. Not all pages in the minutes were numbered..
158 Ibid., 1898. A male evangelist earned approximately £5 a month more than a woman.
159 Ibid., 1895; 1897; Mills, , “What Are Our Thoughts,” p. 26Google ScholarPubMed.
160 Rules, Regulations & Usages, 1892, p. 91Google Scholar.
161 President's Circular, 1902, p. 9; Minutes, 1903.
162 Minutes, 1895, p. 53Google ScholarPubMed; Ibid., 1896, President's Circular, p. 10.
163 Bible Christian Magazine (Nov. 1895): 698; (June 1896): 497Google Scholar.
164 Minutes, 1900; 1904, p. 16; Bible Christian Magazine (Sept. 1897): 334Google Scholar.
165 Minutes, 1907, p. 6Google ScholarPubMed.
166 Minutes of the United Methodist Church (London), 1907, p. 90; 1908, p. 62Google Scholar.
167 Mary O'Bryan Thorne diary, 1/17/65.
168 Valenze, , Prophetic Sons, pp. 274–81Google Scholar.
169 Graham, , “Chosen by God,” p. 192Google Scholar.
- 1
- Cited by