Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 July 2014
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7 Reprinted in Elton, , Studies in Tudor and Stuart Politics and Government: Papers and Reviews 1946-1972, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1974), 2: 164–182CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
8 Elton, , The Tudor Revolution in Government (Cambridge, 1953)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Long sacrosanct, Elton's views on the nature of Tudor administration have recently come under attack. See also Coleman, Christopher and Starkey, David, eds., Revolution Reassessed: Revisions in the History of Tudor Government and Administration (Oxford, 1986)Google Scholar.
9 See also Elton, “The Stuart Century” and “The Unexplained Revolution” in Studies, 2: 155–163Google Scholar; 183-189, and the series of essays on “Points of Contact” in Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, vols. 24-26 (1974–1976)Google Scholar.
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12 (Oxford, 1979). For a fuller discussion of Russell's views, see Zaller, Robert, “The Concept of Opposition in Early Stuart England,” Albion 12 (1980): 223–229CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem., “Dr. Russell and Mr. Hyde,” unpublished paper presented to the Conference on British Studies, 1981.
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14 Zagorin, pp. 9, 5.
15 Morrill, John S., ed., Reactions to the English Civil War (New York, 1982), p. 2Google Scholar (hereafter cited as RECW).
16 The Restoration, p. 289.
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18 Cf. Coward, Barry, “Was There an English Revolution in the Middle of the Seventeenth Century?” in Jones, Colin, Newitt, Malyn and Roberts, Stephen, ed., Politics and People in Revolutionary EnglandGoogle Scholar.
19 From Morrill's The Revolt of the Provinces, a title that has now become a phrase.
20 Morrill, RECW, p. 1.
21 OECW, p. 2
22 “Puritanism as History and Historiography,” 41 (1968): 77–104Google Scholar. Christopher Hill and J. P. Kenyon also disavowed the term. Rowse, A. L. (Reflections on the Puritan Revolution, [London, 1986])Google Scholar appears never to have heard the band stop playing. Cf. Hall, Basil, “Puritanism: The Problem of Definition,” Studies in Church History 2 (1965): 283–296CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Clancy, T. H., “Papist-Protestant-Puritan: English Religious Taxonomy 1565-1665,” Recusant History 13 (1976): 227–253CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
23 But for a contrary view, see Liu, Tai, Discord in Zion: The Puritan Divines and the Puritan Revolution 1640-1660 (The Hague, 1973)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; McGee, J. Sears, The Godly Man in Stuart England (New Haven, Conn., 1976)Google Scholar; Greaves, Richard L., Society and Religion in Elizabethan England (Minneapolis, 1981)Google Scholar; Wallace, Dewey D., Puritans and Predestination: Grace in English Protestant Theology, 1525-1695 (Chapel Hill, 1982)Google Scholar; Hunt, William, The Puritan Moment: The Coming of Revolution in an English County (Cambridge, Mass., 1983)Google Scholar, and especially Yule, George, Puritans in Politics: The Religious Legislation of the Long Parliament 1640-1647 (Sutton Courtenay Press, 1981)Google Scholar. Yule's important but neglected book is particularly valuable in calling into question the secularist and intellectually patronizing if not dismissive attitudes of even those revisionist studies that seek to “rehabilitate” the religious element in the Revolution. A good recent specimen is the concluding chapter of Hirst's Authority and Conflict, which opines that the single most important consequence of the Revolution was the final eclipse of the Puritan dogmatic which, already in disfavor before 1640, was laughed into the dustbin of history by the scorn of Hobbes and others. The inability of most present-day historians to take Puritanism seriously as a belief system which gave intellectual coherence and moral direction to some of the most impressive minds of the seventeenth century has had an inevitably trivializing effect on efforts to understand its most important political upheaval.
24 Richardson, , The Debate on the English Revolution (London, 1977), pp. 137, 181Google Scholar.
25 RECW, p. 15.
26 In his Historians, Puritanism, and the English Revolution: The Religious Factor in English Politics before and after the Interregnum (Toronto, 1983)Google Scholar.
27 OECW, pp. 23-24. Fletcher cites this passage with approval (Outbreak of the English Civil War, p. 415). Cf. his judgment: “Now it is plain there was no high road to civil war” (ibid., p. 407).
28 It would be tedious to offer citations to a matter argued long past the point of cliché by commentators of every stamp in the years 1640-42. But the perception was already fully formed by the latter 1620s; see, e.g., the speech by Sir Walter Erie in the House of Commons in January 1629, in Notestein, Wallace and Reif, Frances H., eds., Commons Debates for 1629 (Minneapolis, 1921), pp. 18–19Google Scholar.
29 Conrad Russell's new book on the years 1637-42 and Nicholas Tyacke's full-length study of Arminianism are especially to be anticipated in this regard.
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31 Quoted in Aylmer, G. E., Rebellion or Revolution?, p. 99Google Scholar.
32 Cf. the comments by Underdown on the significance of the period 1540-1640 in English class formation (Revel, Riot and Rebellion, p. 20), and references cited; see, more generally, the work of Alan MacFarlane and R. S. Neale.
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36 Stone, Lawrence and Stone, Jeanne C. Fawtier, An Open Elite?: England, 1540-1880 (Oxford, 1984)Google Scholar.
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