* Hamburger, Joseph, Intellectuals in Politics: John Stuart Mill and The Philosophic Radicals (New Haven and London, 1965), p. 110.Google Scholar

¹ For similar investigations of the 18th Century source of Victorian ideas, see Tholfsen, Trygve R., “The Intellectual Origins of Mid-Victorian Stability,” Political Science Quarterly, LXXVI (March 1971): 58–88Google Scholar; McLaren, Angus, “Phrenology: Medium and Message,” Journal of Modern History, (March 1974): 86–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Thompson, E.P., The Making of the English Working Class, (London, 1963), chapter XVIGoogle Scholar; F.L. Baumer coined the phrase “The New Enlightenment” to describe the new liberals and reformers of the 19th century, such as John Stuart Mill, the Philosophic Radicals, and Smiles, Samuel, Main Currents of Western Thought (2nd ed.; N.Y., 1967), pp. 454–457.Google Scholar

² Spencer, Herbert, “The Morals of Trade” (1859)Google Scholar, Essays, Scientific, Political and Speculative, 2 vols. (London, 1868), 147Google Scholar. Smiles' books and articles are filled with Carlyle-like condemnations of the pursuit of wealth and rank, e.g. Leeds Times (March 12, 1842) p. 4Google Scholar, Smiles, , Self-Help, with illustrations of Character and Conduct (London, 1859) pp. 235–239Google Scholar. A critique of various interpretations may be found in Travers, T., “Samuel Smiles and the Pursuit of Success in Victorian Britain,” Canadian Historical Association, Historical Papers, 1971 (Ottawa) pp. 154–168Google Scholar. Generally, studies of Smiles have avoided the material before 1859, with the exception of a series of excellent articles by Alexander Tyrrell, who concentrates on the political side of Smiles career in his “Class Consciousness in Early Victorian Britain: Samuel Smiles, Leeds Politics & the Self -Help Creed,” Journal of British Studies, vol. IX (May 1970): 102–115Google Scholar. My interpretation differs from Tyrell's in his “The Origins of a Victorian Bestseller-An Unacknowledged Debt,” Notes and Queries, 17 (1970): 347–9Google Scholar. A more tangential article is Tyrrell, , “Political Economy, Whiggism and the Education of Working-Class Adults in Scotland, 1817-1840,” Scottish Historical Review, XLVIII (1969): 151–165.Google Scholar

³ For example, H. Scott Gordon dates Smiles' tirade against laissez-faire to 1875, when in fact it first apeared in 1851; and Kenneth Fielden states that had Thrift and its “self-help” companions been written in the 1840's, they might have been read as a brand of radicalism. In fact, considerable portions of them were written in the 1840s and early 1850s. For the attribution of Smiles' articles, see Travers, T., “The problem of Identification of Articles: Samuel Smiles and Eliza Cook's Journal, 1849-1854,” Victorian Periodicals Newsletter, vol. VI (June 1973): 41–45Google Scholar. Gordon, H. Scott, “The Ideology of Laissez-Faire” in Coats, A.W., The Classical Economists and Economic Policy, (London, 1971), pp. 184–5Google Scholar; Fielden, Kenneth, “Samuel Smiles and Self-Help”, Victorian Studies, XII (December 1968): 176.Google Scholar

⁴ Information on Smiles' life is contained in Murray, Thomas, ed., The Autobiography of Samuel Smiles (London, 1905)Google Scholar, and Travers, T., “Samuel Smiles and the Victorian Work Ethic”, Ph.D. thesis Yale University, 1970Google Scholar. On the knighthood, see Thomas, C.E., “A Glimpse of Samuel Smiles,” The Sunday Magazine, 34 (1905): 115.Google Scholar

⁵ Murray, Thomas, Summary of Lectures on Political Economy (Edinburgh, 1835), p. 5.Google Scholar

⁶ Leeds Times, January 5, 1959, p. 4Google Scholar; Cobden to Smiles, January 9, 1841 Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, Eva Hartree Collection MS. 76; Smiles, , Autobiography, p. 52Google Scholar. For analysis of “enlightened” and “secular” forms of dissent, see Perkin, Harold, The Origins of Modern English Society, 1780-1880, (London & Toronto, 1969), pp. 204–5Google Scholar. In the 1840s Smiles was closest to the Philosophic Radical position, see Travers, T., “Samuel Smiles and the Victorian Work Ethic,” pp. 157 ff.Google Scholar

⁷ See, for example, the section entitled “Self-Help Chartism” in Hollis, Patricia, ed., Class and Conflict in Nineteenth-Century England (London, 1973), pp. 248–267.Google Scholar

⁸ Leeds Times (October 16, 1841) p. 7.Google Scholar

⁹ Smiles, , Physical Education, p. 10Google Scholar. Mack, Mary, ed., A Bent ham Reader (N.Y. 1969), pp. xxvii, xxiv–xxv.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Smiles, , Physical Education, pp. 24, 26.Google Scholar

¹¹ Smiles, , Self Help, p. 293 ffGoogle Scholar; Smiles, , Character (London, 1889), pp. 31–62Google Scholar; particularly the series of articles Smiles wrote for The Union in 1842 and 1843, e.g. “Woman, The Great Social Reformer,” “Woman and Civilization,” “Female Education,” “The Women of the Working Classes,” etc.

¹² Smiles, , Physical Education, p. 27Google Scholar; Smiles, , Self-Help, p. 321Google Scholar. James Mill, Essay on Education, cited in Burston, W. H., James Mill on Philosophy and Education, (London, 1943), p. 175 and 206, 210–211Google Scholar. “The life of man,” wrote Smiles, “is made up of a continual succession of experiences. Climate, the seasons, passing events, passions and desires, age, the opinions of others, all modify his principles and his opinions until death … Thus the entire of human life is only a long education,” Smiles, , “Woman, the Great Social Reformer,” The Union, vol. 1 (April 1, 1942): 10.Google Scholar

¹³ Smiles, , Physical Education, pp. 193–194Google Scholar. Rousseau, Emile, B. Foxley, trans. (Everyman's Library Edition reprint: London, 1969) Book 2, p. 57. In fact Smiles believed that one needed to wait for advanced manhood before the reasoning faculties were fully developed, Physical Education, pp. 26, 165, 198.

¹⁴ Smiles to Janet Hartree (daughter), April 7, 1882, Leeds Public Library, Smiles Correspondence, SS/Al/137a; Smiles, , Self-Help, p. 292Google Scholar. The democratic implications are clear in Ibid., p. 75, “It is not those who have enjoyed the advantages of colleges, museums, and public galleries, that have accomplished the most for science and art… the most prolific school of all has been the school of difficulty.”

¹⁵ Rousseau, , Emile, p. 214Google Scholar; Smiles, , Physical Education, pp. 156, 166.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Smiles, , Self-Help, pp. 11–12.Google Scholar

¹⁷ See de Giustino, David, Conquest of Mind (London, 1975)Google Scholar. Lovett acknowledged the influence of George Combe and his brother Andrew, a medical doctor, Lovett, and Collins, , Chartism: A New Organization of the People, (1840; reprint ed., N.Y., 1969), p. 80Google Scholar; Lovett, William, Elementary Anatomy and Physiology, (London, 1851) p. viiiGoogle Scholar. Lovett also noted his debt to the Utilitarian turned phrenologist, William Ellis, Lovett, The Life and Struggles of William Lovett, 2 vols. (London, 1920), II: 368Google Scholar. It is also claimed that William Ellis helped in the drawing up of the (Chartist) National Association for Promoting Political and Social Improvement, Ellis, Ethel, Memoir of William Ellis and an account of his conduct teaching (London, 1888), p. 48Google Scholar. See also Blyth, E.K., Life of William Ellis (London, 1889), p. 57Google Scholar. How much of the turn to “Knowledge Chartism” may have been due to phrenological influences?

¹⁸ Smiles probably first received a serious introduction to phrenology in Dr. Macintosh's medical class at Edinburgh in April 1832, Smiles, , Autobiography, p. 42, 44Google Scholar; Gibbon, Charles, Life of George Combe, 2 vols., (London 1878) vol. I: 255Google Scholar. On the other hand phrenology was very evident in Edinburgh in the late 1820s and early 1830s:

Move where ye would, Phrenology was there,

‘Phrenology’ resounded everywhere;

Both learned and unlearned caught the fever,

and every question was, ‘Are you believer?’…

Anon, , Phrenology in Edinburgh, (Edinburgh and London, 1930), p. 4.Google Scholar

Physical Education reveals the depth of Smiles' interest in phrenology, but also some caution. Thus Smiles accepts the basic phrenological dictum, that the brain is the physical organ of the mind, but he cautions (in phrenological language) that more needs to be known about the “propensities and faculties” or “functions and sympathies” of the brain, Smiles, , Physical Education, p. 191Google Scholar. Smiles very emphatically states the phrenological position early in his book: the mind “operates through its own material organ, which … increases in growth like the other organs of the frame … The brain is the organ of the mind, and the brain is a part of the bodily structure …,” Ibid, p. 12. Smiles also lists the names of five authors in the “Preface” of Physical Education as having written especially admirable treatises: four of these are phrenologists, George and Andrew Combe, and Drs. Brigham and Caldwell in the United States. Throughout the book, Smiles frequently cites these four phrenologists (often quoting the “elegant language” of Dr. Caldwell), Smiles, , Physical Education, pp. 47 fn., 62, 86 fn., 87 fn., 147 fn., 153 fn., 161, 167, 193, 196-7, 199Google Scholar. Smiles also cites other phrenologists, eg. Samuel Wilderspin and Robert Cox, Ibid, pp. 101, 163 fn. (For identification of phrenologists, see de Giustino, Conquest of Mind, passim, and Caplan, R.B., Psychiatry and the Community in 19th Century America, [New York and London, 1969], P. 99Google Scholar). However, Smiles' position at this time is actually summed up in his review of Wood's, C. T. book Lecture on the Position and Grouping of the Phrenological Organs of the Human Head, (Sheffield, n.d.)Google Scholar, in the Leeds Times, April 20, 1839, p. 6Google ScholarPubMed. Smiles calls phrenology an “interesting science,” founded on fact, and a “subordinate branch of natural history.” Phrenology claims too much, Smiles noted, but is consistent with all that is known of the nervous system. In any case, it is not contended that Smiles is a fully committed phrenologist, but that the phrenological emphasis on rationalism, natural laws, harmonious universe, education, health, hygiene, self-knowledge and self-information, all contributed to the development of Smiles' ideal of self-help. See Cooter, R.J., “Phrenology: The Provocation of Progress,” History of Science, XIV (1976): 211–234CrossRefGoogle Scholar, for a similar interpretation.

¹⁹ Smiles to George Combe, December 20, 1837 (MS 7244); and George Combe to Smiles, December 22, 1837 (MS 7387), National Library of Scotland. Combe spells out his intention to follow in the tradition of Hutcheson, Adam Smith, Reid, Stewart, and Thomas Brown in the preface to his The Constitution of Man, first edition (Edinburgh, 1828).Google Scholar

²⁰ Combe, Andrew, The Principles of Physiology applied to the Preservation of Health, and the Improvement of Physical and Mental Education, (2nd ed.; Edinburgh, 1834), p. 280Google Scholar. Smiles, , Physical Education, pp. 24, 27Google Scholar. This is not to argue, of course, that phrenology was the only source of faculty psychology for Victorians, but that it was one influence on Smiles.

²¹ Smiles, , Physical Education, pp. 13, 191Google Scholar. There is a useful discussion of A. R. Wallace's debt to phrenology and some similar implications in Turner, Frank, Between Science and Religion: The reaction to Scientific Naturalism in Late Victorian England (New Haven and London, 1974), pp. 73–84Google Scholar. For self-help aspect of phrenology, de Giustino, , Conquest of Mind, pp. 60-61, 71.Google Scholar

²² Smiles, , Physical Education, p. 200Google Scholar. Smiles, , Self-Help, p. 238.Google Scholar

²³ Blyth, E. K., Life of William Ellis, pp. ix, 74–76Google Scholar; Ellis, William, Outlines of the History and Formation of the Understanding (London, 1847), p. 83.Google Scholar

²⁴ Stein, Madeleine B., Heads and Headlines: The Phrenological Fowlers (Norman, Oklahoma, 1971), p. 185.Google Scholar

²⁵ Smiles, preface to the 1866 edition of Self-Help.

²⁶ Young, R. M., Mind, Brain and Adaptation, in the 19th Century (Oxford, 1970), footnote 4, p. 158.Google Scholar

²⁷ Writing to his won William, Smiles suggests a list of books to read, and commences with Paley: “I advise you to read Paley's Natural Theology. You have no idea, from the title, what an interesting book it is; and how remarkably simple.” Smiles, to “Billio,” October 23, 1868Google Scholar, Smiles Correspondence, SS/AII/14. It should be noted that Paley, like Smiles, saw the value of voluntary (active) qualities as serving “for the formation of character …,” Paley, William, Natural Theology, 1802 (N.Y., 1821), p. 339.Google Scholar

²⁸ Smiles, , Physical Education, footnote, p. 106Google Scholar. See the statement “It is manifestly the duty of man to regulate his existence, and act always in accordance with nature and his organization, and preserve that harmony in their adaptation which reason has been granted us to discover and appreciate.” Ibid., p. 80.

²⁹ Peel, J.D.Y., Herbert Spencer, pp. 144–5Google Scholar. Smiles' earlier thoughts on materialism were expressed in an exchange of letters with his friend Samuel Brown, Samuel Brown to Smiles, n.d. (c. 1833/1834), Smiles Correspondence, SS/IX/30a, b, c. On the other hand by the time of the 2nd edition of Self-Help, Smiles had eliminated certain of the more “deterministic” passages, e.g. p. 321 of Self-Help, (1859) is rewritten.

³⁰ Smiles argued that Carlile had made three major points, which were all readily acceptable to Lloyd Jones: the omnipotence of the “circumstance” of the brain (i.e. the environment in which the brain operated); the importance of external impressions in early training; and the dependence of the whole individual on his organization and structure (i.e. physiology); Leeds Times (July 6, 1839), p. 5.Google ScholarPubMed

³¹ Smiles, , Physical Education, p. 200Google Scholar. It was one of George Combe's more radical arguments that overwork in factory and field prevented the worker from full self-development, Combe, G., Constitution of Man, pp. 216 ffGoogle Scholar, and Combe, G., Moral Philosophy, pp. 65 ff.Google Scholar

³² It should be noted at once that Smiles never assumed the individual to be a totally passive recipient of legislation, since: legislation, in Philosophic Radical Tradition, was supposed to occur through the force of public opinion; wherever possible the individual should be involved in legislation through local administration or ‘voluntary’ legislation; most legislation was supposed to help those who could not help themselves; and Smiles always preferred individual self-reform. A rough chronological guide to Smiles' efforts at reform would be: 1839-1842 legislation; 1842-1845 legislation and self-help; 1845-1847 self-help (and cooperative schemes); 1848-1853 legislation and self-help; 1854-1959 self-help.

³³ Smiles to Cobden, August 16, 1841, West Sussex County Record Office, Chichester Cobden Papers, Cobden felt that commercial reform should come before “organic changes” and “political reform.” Cobden to Smiles, October 21, 1841, MS Hartree Collection MS 80.

³⁴ Leeds Times, March 16, 1839, p. 4.Google ScholarPubMed

³⁵ For example, in January of 1844 Smiles spoke at a Complete Suffrage meeting favouring a plan which called for requests for Universal suffrage before war supplies were granted for Ireland; speech reported in Leeds Times (January 6, 1844), p. 7Google ScholarPubMed. As late as 1853, Smiles was still considered a “Radical Reformer” by Baines, Edward, Leeds Mercury (January 24, 1852), p. 4.Google Scholar

³⁶ Cited in Ward, J. T., Chartism (London, 1973), p. 149Google Scholar. Smiles quoted approvingly from the March 1841 address in the Leeds Times (April 17, 1841), p. 7, and subsequently devoted several editorials to the “Knowledge” Chartist cause, e.g. Leeds Times (April 24, 1841), p. 4 and (July 17, 1841), p. 4.Google ScholarPubMed

³⁷ Hollis, P. ed., Class and Conflict, p. 249Google Scholar; Smiles, “The Advantages of Political knowledge to the Working Classes,” speech reported in the Leeds Times (October 16, 1841), p. 7Google ScholarPubMed. The expanded lecture was published in Leeds in 1842, see p. 9 of the lecture for the same theme. Compare Smiles, , Self-Help, p. 2°Google Scholar “There is no power of law that can make the idle man industrious, the thriftless provident, or the drunken sober …”

³⁸ Tyrrell, , “Class Consciousness,” p. 124Google Scholar. My argument is obviously a negative one, Smiles is not saying in Self-Help that suffrage reform is required, but on the other hand he is not necessarily opposed to it. Smiles' politics after 1859 followed a fairly common pattern, gradual shift from Liberal to Conservative, largely because of Gladstone's efforts at Home Rule for Ireland and Smiles' growing Imperialism. It is true that by 1868 J.S. Mill had lost favour with Smiles, but on the other hand Smiles was happy later on to support Disraeli (who after all, with Derby, passed the Reform Act of 1867), and he spoke favourably of the radical Imperialist Chamberlain, Smiles to “Billio” (son) November 18 and 20, 1868, Smiles Correspondence, SS/AII/19 and 20; Smiles to “Jack” (son-in-law), April 8, 1891, SS/AI/233; Smiles to “Willie” (son), October 22, 1891, SS/AII/198; Smiles to “Willie”, March 12, 1893, SS/AII/231; Smiles to “Willie”, March 26, 1893, SS/AII/226.

³⁹ Tyrrell, , “The Origins of a Victorian Best Seller,” pp. 347–9Google Scholar; Smiles, , Leeds Times (October 15, 1842), p. 6Google Scholar. For example Leeds Times, (August 7, 1841), p. 6Google Scholar and (February 5, 1842), p. 6.

⁴⁰ Leeds Times August 7, 1841), p. 6.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Here there is a basic disagreement with Tyrrell, , “The Origins of a Victorian Best Seller,” pp. 347–9Google Scholar, and “Class Consciousness in Early Victorian Britain,” p. 118.

⁴² Howe, D. W., The Unitarian Conscience: Harvard Moral Philosophy, 1805-1861 (Harvard, 1970), p. 146Google Scholar; Brown, A. W., William Ellery Channing (N.Y. 1961), pp. 85, 94Google Scholar; Smith, H. N., “Emerson's Problem of Vocation” in Konvitz, M. and Whicher, S., eds., Emerson (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1962), pp. 63 ff.Google ScholarPubMed

⁴³ Smiles' admiration for, and encouragement of, working class co-operative and educative self-help movements free of patronage, is expressed in a series of articles for The Peoples Journal and Howitt's Journal between 1846 and 1847.

⁴⁴ Burn, W. L., The Age of Equipoise: A Study of the Mid-Victorian Generation, (N.Y., 1965), p. 135.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Taylor, Arthur J., Laissez-Faire and State Invervention in Nineteenth Century Britain, (London, 1972) p. 55CrossRefGoogle Scholar, citing Roberts, David, Victorian Origins of the British Welfare State (New Haven, 1960), p. 95.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Lambert, Royston, Sir John Simon, 1916-1904, and English Social Administration (London, 1963), p. 182.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Smiles, , “Improvement of Homes,” Eliza Cook's Journal, VII (May 1, 1852): 1Google Scholar; Smiles, , “Nothing Like Leather!,” Eliza Cook's Journal, VI (February 7, 1852): 239Google Scholar; “Don't Care!,” Eliza Cook's Journal, VI (December 20, 1851): 128Google Scholar; Smiles reproduced much of this article in Duty (1880).

⁴⁸ Gordon, H. Scott, “The Ideology of Laissez-Faire” in Coats, A. W., ed., The Classical Economists and Economic Policy, (London, 1971), pp. 202-3Google Scholar; Smiles, , “Nothing Like Leather!,” p. 239.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ In opposition to Bishop, A. S., The Rise of a Central Authority for English Education (Cambridge, 1970), p. 2.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Smiles, , “Nobody Did It!,” Eliza Cook's Journal, vol. V, (August 2, 1851): 224Google Scholar; Smiles repeated much of this article in Thrift (1875), ch.XV. MacDonagh, O., “The 19th Century Revolution in Government; A Reappraisal,” Historical Journal, I (1958): 52–67.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵¹ Smiles, , “Nobody Did It!,” p. 223-4Google Scholar; Viner, Jacob, “The Intellectual History of Laissez-Faire,” The Journal of Law and Economics, 3 (October 1960): 59CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Robson, J. M., The Improvement of Mankind, pp. 209-14Google Scholar; See also Smiles, , “Don't Care!,” pp. 127–128Google Scholar; Smiles, , “Nothing Like Leather!,” p. 239.Google Scholar

⁵² Smiles frequently praised Bentham's principles, e.g., Leeds Times (April 10, 1841 and April 30, 1842), and also expounded Bentham's “Greatest Happiness Principle” in several consecutive articles in the Leeds Times, beginning with July 24, 1841.

⁵³ Cobden to Smiles, November 17, 1853, MS Hartree Collection, 88.

⁵⁴ Smiles, speech at meeting of the National Non-Sectarian Education Association, reported in the Leeds Mercury (April 13, 1850), p. 8Google ScholarPubMed. In a speech to the National Public Schools Association at Bramley, Smiles stated that “A man's self-respect was less injured if you gave education to his child in the public schools as a right, rather than if you dealt it out as a charity,” reported in the Leeds Times (April 12, 1851), p. 8.Google ScholarPubMed

⁵⁵ For J. S. Mill's position, see Taylor, A. J., Laissez-Faire, pp. 46–47Google Scholar; and West, E. G., “Private versus Public Education, A Classical Economic Dispute,” in Coates, A. W., ed., The Classical Economists (London, 1971), pp. 135–136Google Scholar. For Cobden, Donald Read, Cobden and Bright (London, 1967), p. 179Google Scholar. Smiles, speech at Leeds in support of Fox's, W. J. Education Bill, reported in Supplement to The Leeds Mercury (April 20, 1850), p. 11.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Smiles, “National Education,” open letter to Baines, Edward, Supplement to the Leeds Mercury (January 3, 1852), p. 11.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Ibid.

⁵⁸ Smiles, , speech reported in Leeds Times, (January 25, 1851), p. 4.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ The content of Smiles' speech to the Equitable Provident Society, and criticism of Smiles, was contained in a letter from “Observer,” Leeds Mercury, (January 17, 1852), p. 9Google ScholarPubMed; Smiles, “Popular Education,” open letter to Baines, Edward, Supplement to the Leeds Mercury (January 24, 1852), p. 9.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Smiles, Ibid. Smiles, “State of Popular Education,” Eliza Cook's Journal, V (July 5, 1851): 145. It is interesting to note Smiles' other activities at this time, which evidently did not erode the “active” component of self-help; namely, “The Association for the Purpose of erecting Model Lodging Houses and Cottages for the Poor,” a plan to improve recreations and amusements for the working classes, and an Itinerating Library Plan, Supplement to the Leeds Mercury, (February 14, 1852), p. 9Google Scholar, and Ibid., February 21, 1851, p. 9; Leeds Mercury, (December 4, 1852), p. 4.Google ScholarPubMed

⁶¹ Viner, Jacob, “The Intellectual History of Laissez-Faire,” p. 60.Google Scholar

⁶² In regard to homes, Smiles stated that cellars should be prohibited and certain building regulations enforced, but “here municipal or parochial authority stops: it can go no further; it cannot penetrate into the Home, and it is not necessary that it should do so,” Smiles, , “Improvement of Homes,” Eliza Cook's Journal, VII (May 1, 1852): 1.Google Scholar

⁶³ Leeds Times, (March 16, 1839), p. 4.Google ScholarPubMed

⁶⁴ Harrison, Brian and Hollis, Patricia, “Chartism, Liberalism and the Life of Robert Lowery,” English Historical Review (July 1967) vol. LXXXII, pp. 533–4.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶⁵ These include the previous achievement of a number of reforms: the failure of the 1848 Revolutions on the Continent; the conservation shift of opinion generated by the Crimean War and the Indian Mutiny; a general sense of prosperity; and the feeling, as expressed by Cobden, that parliamentary reform was unattainable in the 1850s, Read, , Cobden and Bright, pp. 153–63Google Scholar. In regard to prosperity, see Smiles, , “Education of Destitute Children,” Eliza Cook's Journal, IV May 1853): 70.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Smiles, , “Nothing Like Leather!,” p. 240Google Scholar; Smiles, , “Government and the People— The Public Health,” Eliza Cook's Journal, X (February 11, 1854): 254–5Google Scholar. The “Parvenus” article was reproduced in Smiles, , Life and Labour (London, 1887)Google Scholar at the conclusion of chapter V. A similar shift took place in Mill's, J. S. thought, Mill, J. S., Letters, ed., Elliot, H.S.R., 2 vols. (London and N.Y. 1910), II: 360–01.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Smiles, , “Education of Destitute Children” pp. 71–72.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ “William Lovett on Social and Political Morality,” Eliza Cook's Journal, IX (September 17, 1853): 325Google Scholar. Every indication is that this article was written by Smiles, although there is no conclusive proof. In any case, the general theme neatly illustrates the turn to self-help as an agent of reform.

⁶⁹ Smiles, , Self-Help, pp. 8, 133Google Scholar. Smiles may also have been attempting to break down class spirit, his old bête noir, by showing that peers and common people alike were worthy of respect for their self-help efforts. See the American Unitarians who celebrated “Those who triumphed over degrading environments to achieve personal integration and virtue …” Such stories “were attempts to bridge the gulf between the classes, and persuade the prosperous that the poor shared a common humanity,” Howe, , The Unitarian Conscience, pp. 242–3.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ The conservative implications of Self-Help have been noted by Tholfsen, “The Intellectual Origins of Mid-Victorian Stability.” For a useful discussion of the Eighteenth Century theme of emancipation, and of its conservative results in the Nineteenth Century, see Hampson, Norman, The First European Revolution, 1776-1815, (London, 1969), pp. 78-79, 179–180.Google Scholar