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The Rising at Nottingham*
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 July 2014
Extract
Despite the considerable amount of attention devoted to the Revolution of 1688 by serious scholar, constitutional panegyrist, and antiquary alike, no completely satisfactory account of the overthrow of James II has been put forward. Recent research has led to additional insights and a better understanding of the complexity of the event; it has also partially discredited the traditional Whig thesis. However, there is as yet no generally accepted new interpretation of the Revolution, and many questions remain concerning the causes, course, and consequences of this phenomenon. Analysis of the rising at Nottingham provides a valuable fresh perspective on the English contribution to what, a generation ago, was essentially regarded as England's Revolution. It also provides a useful opportunity for defining the crucial role played by the nobility, while at the same time demonstrating the importance of an event neglected by most historians.
At the outset it should be recognized that the Revolution in the North, and more specifically the rising at Nottingham, were not by-products of special circumstances pertaining to the region. Careful investigation of the situation in the counties of Derby and Nottingham reveals little that is exceptional in terms of the patterns which existed in the country as a whole. It is true that the earl of Danby and others of the seven signatories of the invitation stressed the general disaffection in the North as a significant factor in favor of the prince's launching his invasion there, and certainly the rising at Nottingham and its counterpart at York would never have occurred had the environment been totally hostile to the Williamite cause. But while the impact of James II's policies varied somewhat according to local factors, county or regional boundaries were largely meaningless in this context.
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- Copyright © North American Conference on British Studies 1972
Footnotes
Paper read before the national meeting of the Conference on British Studies in New York, April 29, 1972.
References
Notes
1 A sketch of the rising at Nottingham based on printed sources is to be found in Wood, A. C., “The Revolution of 1688 in the North of England,” Transactions of the Thoroton Society, XLIV (1940), 72–104.Google Scholar
2 The following analysis of the religious and political situation in Nottinghamshire and Derbyshire represents conclusions drawn in an article being prepared for publication.
3 For a summary of the advice sent to William of Orange, see Burnet, Gilbert, Bishop Burnet's History of His Own Time, 6 vols. (Oxford, 1833), III. 303–305.Google Scholar
4 Those peers with significant ties to one or both counties included the duke of Newcastle, the marquess of Halifax, the earls of Devonshire, Rutland, Scarsdale, Chesterfield, Clare, Huntingdon, Kingston, and Lords Ferrers, Lexington, and Byron.
5 See Jones, J. R., “James II's Whig Collaborators,” Historical Journal, III (1960), 65–73.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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13 See the letters from the earl of Sunderland to the lord lieutenants concerned, 30 October. PRO, SP 44/97, fols. 6-8.
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16 Although they did not arrive in time, regiments of foot and horse were summoned from Ireland for use in the North. Earl of Middleton to Lord Preston, 21 November, PRO, SP 44/97, fol. 19.
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19 Earl of Lindsey to earl of Middleton, 27 October, BM, Add. MSS, 41, 805, fol. 85. Lindsey was Danby's brother-in-law, and Lindsey's eldest son was associated with the rising at York.
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21 Kennett, , Family of Cavendish, p. 25Google Scholar; Echard, Laurence, History of Revolution, and the Establishment of England in the Year 1688 (London, 1725), pp. 170–172.Google Scholar
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24 Delamer was particularly critical of the conservative “revolutionaries” at York. Booth, Henry, earl of Warrington, “Reasons Why King James Ran Away fom Salisbury,” The Works of the Right Honourable Henry, Late Lord Delamer and Earl of Warrington (London, 1694), pp. 64–67.Google Scholar
25 See Wood, , “Revolution of 1688 in the North of England,” p. 82Google Scholar; Browning, , Danby, I, 397.Google Scholar
26 Extensive documentation is available on this question, of which the following items make the point most clearly: the deposition of Lieutenant John Gorman, cited supra, n. 23. A series of letters to Phillip Froude at the post office in London from John Franidys, postmaster at Derby; William Rathbone, postmaster at Lichfield; and C. R[cynolds], postmaster at Nottingham, all dated 21 November, BM, Add. MSS, 41, 805, fols. 240, 254-255, 258-259. See also the document endorsed “Intelligence from Burton, Derby and Nottingham,” 21 November, ibid., fol. 245. Peter Shakerly, governor of Chester, to Lieutenant General [Robert] Werden, 21 November, BM, Add. MSS, 38, 695, fol. 86.
27 A manscript copy of the declaration is to be found in BM, Add. MSS, 41, 805, fol. 222. Possibly this is the document posted on the market cross at Warrington, which was dispatched to London with covering letter from Peter Naylor, postmaster, to Phillip Froude, 21 November. Ibid., fols. 260-261. A printed version of the declaration is to be seen in Manchester, John Rylands Library, R 10618.
28 Hosford, , “Compton and the Revolution,” 217–218Google Scholar. For indications of Derby's dependence upon the duke of Ormond at the time of the revolution, see two letters from Derby to Ormond, 19 December. BM, Add. MSS, 33, 589, fols. 302, 304. See also the note by Dartmouth, Lord in Burnet, , History, III, 407Google Scholar; Ball, F. Elrington, “His Part in the Revolution, 1688-89,” HMC 36: Ormonde (1920), n. s. VIII, xx.Google Scholar
29 Concern was generated because of the high proportion of Roman Catholics in Lancashire. An interesting list of those members of the gentry suspected of Romanist proclivities includes well over 150 names; it was probably drawn up in the last decade of the seventeenth century. Lancashire Record Office, Kenyon MSS, DDKe 7/31.
30 See J. Colley to William Adams, 24 November. [Viscount] Cholmondeley to same, 25 December, Cheshire Record Office, Cholmondeley MSS, DCH/K/10.
31 Some basis for this generalization can be clearly established in several cases. For Samuel Finney of Fulshaw and Captain Thomas Latham, see Samuel Finney III, MS “History of the Parish of Wilmslow,” [1785], Cheshire Record Office, DFF/38/35, fols. 52-53. There was a particularly close association between Delamer and John Mainwaring, eldest son of Sir Thomas Mainwaring of Over Peover; of particular interest in this connection is the entry for 18 November 1688, in Colonel [Roger] Whitley's diary, John Rylands Library, Mainwaring, MS 31, fol. 99. Nathaniel Booth. Delamer's uncle, was quite active in raising men and money to support his nephew's venture; Great Britain, Public Record Office, Calendar of Treasury Papers, 1557-1695, pp. 42–43Google Scholar. Sir Robert Duckenfeld's family had linked political fortunes with the Booths since the time of the civil wars. Among other members of the Cheshire gentry who can specifically be indentified as accompanying Delamer are John Egerton, Thomas Warburton, William Lawton, Randolph Holme, Henry Brooke, Thomas Minshall, and possibly Sir John Bland. See Peter Shakerley to Lieutenant General [Robert] Werden, 21 November, BM, Add. MSS, 38, 695, fol. 86. Newsletter to [Sir Daniel Fleming?], ? November, Oxford, Bodleian, MS, Don C39, fol. 11. Kirke, Henry, ed., “Dr. Clegg, Minister and Physician in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries,” Journal of the Derbyshire Archaeological and Natural History Society, XXV (1913), 10.Google Scholar
32 See Kenyon, J. P., The Nobility in the Revolution of 1688 (Hull, 1963). p. 5Google Scholar; Stone, Lawrence, The Crisis of the Aristocracy, 1558-1641 (Oxford, 1965), p. 199.Google Scholar
33 London, Dr. William's Library, Roger Morrice MS, Q, The Entring Book, Being an Historical Register of Occurrences from April, Anno 1667, to April, 1691, II, fol. 326. Hereinafter cited as Morrice, Entring Book. The following letters are of particular importance in connection with Delamer's march from Bowden Downs to Nottingham: R. H. to [Lord Preston?], 20 November; Lady Aston to Lord Preston, 21 November; [Lady Aston] to Lady Abergaveny, 21 November; Peter Naylor to Lady Abergaveny, 21 November; BM, Add. MSS, 41, 805, fols. 234-238.
34 An Apology for the Life of Mr. Colley Cibber, ed. by Bellchambers, Edmund (London, 1822), p. 41.Google Scholar
35 For general information pertaining to those assembled at Derby see “Intelligence from Burton, Derby, and Nottingham,” 21 November, BM, Add. MSS, 41, 805, fol. 245. Newsletter to [Sir Daniel Fleming?], 24 November, Bodleian, MS Don, C39, fol. 9. After the arrival of both Delamer and Devonshire at Nottingham, their joint force was estimated at a strength of 600 horse, of which almost 400 had been brought in by the Cheshire contingent. C. R[eynolds] to Phillip Froude, 21 November, BM, Add. MSS, 41, 805, fols. 258-259. See also Morrice, Entring Book, II, fol. 375. Most local histories inflate the number of horse with Devonshire to 500, but provide no evidence in substantiation. See Glover, Stephen, The History of the County of Derby, ed. by Noble, Thomas, 2 vols. (Derby, 1829), II, 383–384.Google Scholar
36 Printed in A Collection of Stale Tracts Published on Occasion of the Late Revolution in 1688 and during the Reign of King William III, 3 vols. (London, 1705–7), I, 438Google Scholar. The declaration is misdated November 21; Devonshire had arrived in Nottingham by the afternoon of November 20.
37 John Coke to Francis Thacker, 24 November, Derbyshire, Melbourne Hall, Cowper MSS, bundle 98; partly printed in HMC 23: Cowper (1888). II, 344-345. Earl of Devonshire to earl of Danby, 20 November, Browning, , Danby, II, 139n-140n.Google Scholar
38 Lord Preston to duke of Newcastle, 19 November, HMC 6: 7th Rep., App. I, Sir F. Graham, 349. Duke of Newcastle to [Lord Preston], 21 November, BM, Add. MSS, 41, 805, fols. 243-244.
39 Newsletter, 29 November, Bodleian, MS, Don C39, fol. 28. Morrice, Entring Book, II, fol. 370. Duke of Newcastle to Lord Preston, 1 December, HMC 6: 7th Rep., App. I, Sir F. Graham, 419. Lord Preston to duke of Newcastle, same date, ibid., p. 350.
40 Earl of Devonshire to earl of Danby, 20 November, Browning, , Danby, II, 139n-140n.Google Scholar
41 Morrice, Entring Book, II, fol. 370. The names have been omitted in this entry, but internal evidence makes it clear that the reference is to Delamer and Devonshire.
42 Deering, Charles, Nottinghamia Vetus et Nova (Nottingham, 1757). pp. 260–261.Google Scholar
43 See Edward Roberts, secretary to James II, to George Langford, 20 November. Bailey, Thomas, Annals of Nottinghamshire, 4 vols. (London, n.d.), III, 1031–1032Google Scholar. In connection with the issuance of writs for a Parliament that never met, yet another appeal for the support of the Nottingham dissenters was made by the central government in the first days of December. Same to same, 3 December, ibid., p. 1034. The records of the corporation are a virtual blank from 4 November until the end of the first week in December. Then the corporation finally involved itself officially in the proceedings at Nottingham, but only to the extent of raising funds to help defray the charge of providing a guard for Princess Anne. Nottingham Central Public Library, Corporation of Nottingham MSS, 3456 (Hall Book, 1688-89), fols. 14, 23.
44 A printed copy of the declaration is to be found in PRO, SP (James II), 31/4, fol. 305; it is also printed in Blackner, John, The History of Nottingham (Nottingham, 1815), pp. 376–377.Google Scholar
45 Printed in HMC 35: Kenyon, 208.
46 Lord Delamer to prince of Orange, 1 December. PRO, SP 8/2 Pt. II, fols. 65-66; printed in Japikse, , ed., Correspondence, Pt. II, Vol. III (28), p. 72Google Scholar. See also Dr. George Hicks, Worcester, to Arthur Charlett, 1 December, Bodleian, Ballard MS 12, fol. 42. Morrice, Entring Book, II: fols. 332, 337, 342. William of Orange to Lord Delamer, 2 December, Cheshire Dunham Massey Hall. Stamford MSS. Earl of Stamford to prince of Orange, 5 December, PRO, SP 8/2, Pt. II, fols. 71-2. Nathaniel Pinney to Hester Pinney, 3 December, 1688, Nuttal, Geoffrey, ed., Letters of John Pinney, 1679-1699 (London, 1939), p. 60.Google Scholar
47 Mitchell, A. A., “The Revolution of 1688 and the Flight of James II,” History Today, XV (July, 1965), 500Google Scholar. It is worth noting that the onset of James's famous nosebleeds apparently coincided with receipt of the news that Delamer was in arms and that he was to be joined by other peers. See carl of Middleton to Lord Preston, 21 November, PRO, SP 44/97, fol. 19.
48 Newsletter to Roger Kenyon, 29 November, Gredington, Kenyon MSS, 648; printed in HMC 35: Kenyon, 209.
49 Earl of Devonshire, Mansfield, to Lord ? at York, 28 November, HMC 8: 9th Rep., Pt. II, Morrison (1884), 460Google Scholar. Considerable information pertaining to this regiment, its officers, movements, expenses, supply, and the like is contained in bundles ‘A’ and 119 of the Cowper MSS at Melbourne Hall. See also “Deprepetit's account of disbursements to Colonel John Coke, 8 December. 1688, to [13 January, 1689],” and “Deprepetit's account [to John Coke], 27 November, 1688,” HMC 23: Cowper, II, 348-350, 345.Google Scholar
50 See Coke's role in the Commons when the speech from the throne was debated in November, 1685 — a role which cost him his commission in the army. Cobbett, William, ed., Cobbett's Parliamentary History of England, 36 vols. ( London, 1806–1820), IV. 1385Google Scholar. Interestingly, Coke was the only representative from Derbyshire to vote against making William and Mary joint sovereigns in place of James II. Feiling, Keith, A History of the Tory Parly, 1640-1714 (Oxford, 1959), p. 496.Google Scholar
51 Morrice, Entring Book, II: fols. 370-371. Sitwell, George, The First Whig (Scarborough, 1894), p. 176Google Scholar. Sacheverell's failure to make an appearance at Nottingham contributed to his defeat when he stood from Derbyshire for election to the Convention. He was subsequently able to obtain a seat at Heytesbury, Wiltshire. [Edward Harley?] to Robert Harley, 19 January 1689. BM, Add. MSS, 40, 621, fol. 3.
52 Philip Prime, for instance, was not only a Dissenter himself, but managed to raise a whole troop of horse among Nonconformists in Derbyshire. Morrice, Entring Book, II: fol. 392. Others who can be specifically identified as supporters of the rising include Purey Cust, son of Sir Richard Cust, a Whig of Lincolnshire; Thomas Hartop, possibly a connection of the Nonconformist radical Sir John Hartop of Leicestershire; Charles White, probably the son of the prominent Nottinghamshire Whig John White of Tuxford; Richard Roe; Edward Harvey; Thomas Wright; and Robert Milward.
53 See earl of Devonshire to earl of Danby, 20 November, Browning, , Danby, II, 139n-140n.Google Scholar
54 A somewhat confused and much amended account of the fortunes of this group is to be found in The Life and Times of Anthony Wood, ed. by Clark, Andrew, 5 vols. (Oxford, 1895), III, 283–284.Google Scholar
55 The youngest and perhaps best known of the three Montagu brothers joining the movement was Charles, subsequently the first earl of Halifax, who rapidly rose to prominence as a leading Whig in the reign of William III.
56 See for instance, the comments of Bishop Compton, Nottingham, to prince of Orange, 2 December. PRO, SP 8/2, Pt. II. fols. 69-70.
57 A clear statement of this intention is to be found in earl of Devonshire to Lord ? at York, 28 November, HMC 8: 9th Rep., Pt. II, Morrison, 460. There were rumors, however, that the lords at Nottingham and York intended to march upon London to demand a free Parliament. See the newsletter to [Mr. Thornburgh, chaplain to the earl of Bedford, ? November]. Bodleian, MS Rawlinson Letters 109, fol. 114. That this rumor had currency is confirmed by the dispatch of the imperial envoy Philippe Johann Hoffman, 3 December. Emilio, , Cavelli, Marquise Campana de, Les Derniers Stuarts, 2 vols. (Paris, 1871), II, 338–339.Google Scholar
58 In particular see Princess Anne to the queen, “About Dec 2d, 1688.” University of Nottingham, Galway of Serlby MSS, 12,740. See also An Account of the Conduct of the Dowager Duchess of Marlborough (London, 1742), p. 19.Google Scholar
59 Princess Anne to prince of Orange, 18 November. Brown, Beatrice Curtis, ed., The Letters and Diplomatic Instructions of Queen Anne (London, 1935), pp. 43–44Google Scholar. Burnet, , History, III, 335Google Scholar. Marlborough, Conduct, p. 17.
60 See Lord Preston to earl of Middleton, 24 November. Netherby, Graham MSS, Letters from Paris to Foreign Ministers, 1682, and Dispatches to Lords Lieutenant in 1688, section II, fol. 13.
61 See “Bentinck's Journal of Events,” 2/12 December. 1688. Japikse, , ed., Correspondentie, Pt. I, Vol. II (24), p. 630Google Scholar. Samuel Pepys to Lord Dartmouth, 26 November, HMC 20: Dartmouth (1887), I, 214Google Scholar. Newsletter to Mr. Norton of Walden, 28 November, BM, Add. MSS, 34, 487, fol. 40. John Horton to Viscount Hatton, 2 December, BM, Add. MSS, 29,563, fol. 347. [Mr. Sayre] to Mr. [Arthur] Charlett, n.d., Bodleian, MS Ballard 45, fol. 55. Bishop of London to earl of Danby, 2 December, HMC 8: 9th Rep., Pt. II, Morrison, 461. Marlborough, , Conduct, p. 17Google Scholar. Memoirs of Thomas, Earl of Ailesbury, ed. by Buckley, William Edward, 2 vols. (London, 1890), I, 191.Google Scholar
62 See, for instance, the reaction of the queen as recorded in bishop of London to earl of Danby, 2 December, HMC 8: 9th Rep., Pt. II, Morrison, 461. See also newsletter to John Ellis, 27 November, BM Add. MSS, 4194, fol. 428. Unknown to James Harrington, 27 November, BM, Add. MSS, 36, 707, fol. 49.
63 Earl of Devonshire to prince of Orange, 2 December. Bishop of London to same, same date. PRO, SP 8/2. Pt. II, fols. 67-70. Prince of Orange to bishop of London, 5/15, December, HMC 8: 9th Rep., Pt. II, Morrison, 460-461.
64 Shortly after her arrival, Anne was to comment about the lack of news at Nottingham. Princess Anne to Sir Benjamin Bathurst, 3 December, BM, Loan 51/71 (Bathurst MSS), fol. 19; printed in Brown, , ed., Letters of Queen Anne, p. 45.Google Scholar
65 The earl of Ailesbury gives an amusing account of one source of these rumors. Memoirs, I, 191Google Scholar. Cibber, , Apology, pp. 46–47Google Scholar. “Draft summary of the Corporation of Nottingham's case for the restoration of arms …” [summer, 1690?], in Walker, Violet, ed., “The Confiscation of Firearms in Nottingham in Charles Harvey's Mayoralty, 1689-1690,” Thoroton Society Record Series, XXI (1962), 27.Google Scholar
66 Unlike many of the rumors current during the Revolution, those relating to this regiment of foot had some factual basis, although the truth of the matter was considerably distorted as it passed from hand to hand. In the first place, command of this unit was vested in Colonel Henry Gage rather than Molyneux; confusion on this score among contemporaries and some historians seems to have arisen because Molyneux's son served as lieutenant colonel. Dalton, Charles, ed., English Army Lists and Commission Registers, 1661-1714, 6 vols. (London, 1894), II, 171Google Scholar; Bohun, Edmund, The History of Desertion reprinted in Collection of State Tracts, I, 47Google Scholar. Gage received his commission in early October, and it is clear that the king expected him to recruit troops from among the considerable proportion of Catholics in Lancashire, just as the duke of Newcastle was supposed to do in Northumberland. This regiment was ordered to reinforce the small garrison at Chester, and remained there for the duration.
67 Chesterfield has left two fairly extensive commentaries on his attitudes and activities at the time. See earl of Chesterfield to marquess of Halifax, 16 December, Northamptonshire, Althorp, Spencer MSS, Halifax correspondence, box I. Entrybook of the earl of Chesterfield, BM, Add. MSS, 19,253, fols. 192-193; printed in Letters of Philip, Second Earl of Chesterfield (London, 1835), pp. 48–50.Google Scholar
68 Earl of Danby to earl of Chesterfield, Leicester, 1688. Earl of Chesterfield to earl of Danby, Bretby, 1689 [1688], BM, Add. MSS, 19,253, fols. 167-169; printed in Letters of Chesterfield, pp. 336-339.
69 See Morrice, Entring Book, II, fol. 371.
70 Apparently the Association was the brainchild of Sir Edward Seymour. Foxcroft, H. C., The Life and Letters of Sir George Savile, Bart., First Marquis of Halifax, 2 vols. (London, 1898), II, 26.Google Scholar
71 Morrice, Entring Book, II, fol. 372. Among those peers signing were the earls of Devonshire, Northampton and Manchester; the bishop of London; Lords Grey de Ruthin, Carteret, Sherard, Cholmondeley; and — after some hesitation — the earl of Scarsdale. As for those nobles refusing to engage, Lord Cullen had joined Anne in Leicestershire on her way north, and Lord Ferrers had come in with Chesterfield after the arrival at Nottingham. Specific information concerning the arrival of Lords Brooke and Digby, both of whom came from Warwickshire, and Lord Leigh of Staffordshire is not available, but presumably they either joined Anne's escort as she moved north from London, or came to Nottingham after she had reached that city.
72 Morrice, Entring Book, II, fol. 371. Robert Wilmot to Sir John Gell, 19 December, Northamptonshire, Newnham Hall, Gell MSS, Series A, #37. [Rev. Theophilus?] Brookes to earl of Huntingdon, 19 December, San Marino, California, Huntingdon Library, Hastings MSS, HA 13420; partly printed in HMC 78: Hastings (1930), II, 211.Google Scholar
73 For the replies of several of the individuals identified, see Duckett, George, Penal Laws and Test Act (London, 1882), pp. 166–167Google Scholar. See also “A List of the late Deputy Leiftennts and Officers in the Militia [of Derbyshire],” enclosure to a letter from George Vernon and Sir Henry Hunloke to Lord Preston, 1 November, Netherby, Graham MSS, Miscellania, fol. 120.
74 See duke of Newcastle to captains in the militia [of Nottinghamshire], 5 December, Netherby, Graham MSS, Letters from England, etc., fol. 135.
75 [Rev. Theophilus?] Brookes to earl of Huntingdon, 19 December, Huntingdon Library, Hastings MSS, HA 13420; partly printed in HMC 78: Hastings, II, 211Google Scholar. [Countess of Huntingdon to same], 7 and 11 December, HMC 78: Hastings, II, 204, 206.Google Scholar
76 See again [Rev. Theophilus?] Brookes to earl of Huntingdon, 19 December, Huntingdon Library, Hastings MSS, HA 13420; partly printed in HMC 78: Hastings, II, 211Google Scholar. J[ohn] H[orton] to Viscount Hatton, 10 December, BM, Add. MSS, 29, 563, fol. 359. See also Lord Sherard to John Coke, 19 December, HMC 23: Cowper, II, 345Google Scholar. The content of this letter would indicate that Coke and Sherard were the key figures involved in the management of the Leicestershire milit'a after it had been raised.
77 Morrice, Entring Book, II, fols. 369-70.
78 J[ohn] Hforton] to Viscount Hatton, 10 December, BM. Add. MSS, 29,563, fol. 359. [Earl of] W[estmorland] to same, 13 December, BM, Add. MSS, 29,563, fol. 372. See also the interesting and typical letter of excuse for failing to come to the support of the king sent by Westmorland to [Earl of Middleton], 17 November, ibid., 41,805, fol. 231. Rough draft of warrant from [earl of Northampton to deputy lieutenants of Warwickshire], ? December, Northamptonshire Castle Ashby, Compton MSS, Bundle 1108.
79 Personally, the earl was at least favorably disposed toward the basic objective of securing a free Parliament; his son and brother, as well as other connections, were in arms both at York and in the South with William; and he was in close touch with the proceedings at York by means of correspondence with his sister and her husband, the earl of Danby. However, it was not until the second week in December that Lindsey moved to arrange a meeting of the gentry, and several more days elapsed before an address to the prince was forthcoming, presumably in response to the news of the king's first flight. See [earl of Lindsey] to countess of Danby, 10 December, HMC 38: 14th Rep., App. IX, Lindsey (1895), 452Google Scholar. Earl of Lindsey to earl of Danby, 11 December, HMC 22: 11th Rep., App. VII, Leeds, 28. Note is made of an “Address of the Lord Lieutenant, &c. of the County of Lincoln to the Prince of Orange,” signed 13 December, in HMC 22: 11th Rep., App. VII, Waterford (1888), 76Google Scholar. Such of the Waterford MSS as now survive are on deposit at the Northumberland Record Office, but this address numbers among several documents that have disappeared during the migrations of the collection following the compilation of the Historical Manuscripts Commission calendar in 1888.
80 See bishop of London to earl of Danby, 2 December, HMC 8: 9th Rep., Pt. II, Morrison, 461. Earl of Devonshire to same, 3 December. [Earl of] D[anby] to bishop of London, 4 December. Same to bishop of London and earl of Devonshire, 4 December. The last three letters cited are printed in Browning, , Danby, II, 145–146.Google Scholar
81 It is worth noting, however, that within a day after Danby sent replies to the messages from Nottingham, word was received at York that Sir John Hanmer, the Protestant lieutenant colonel of the regiment quartered at Hull, had engineered a bloodless coup that virtually placed the fortress at the earl's disposal. See earl of Danby to Sir John Hanmer, 30 November. Same to same, 5 December. Sir John Hanmer to [earl of Danby], 4 December. Browning, , Danby, II, 142-143, 147, 147n.Google Scholar
82 Danby was closely connected with the unsuccessful attempt of Sir John Lowther to secure the capitulation of the garrison at Carlisle, to raise the militia of Westmorland and Cumberland, and to arrange a declaration in support of a free Parliament by the gentry of the area. See Sir John Lowther, Richard Lowther, and others to earl of Danby, 2 December. Sir John Lowther to same, 5 December. Same to same, 12 December. HMC 22: 11th Rep., App. VII, Leeds (1888), 27–28Google Scholar. Joseph Reed to Sir John Lowther, 6 December, HMC 33: Lonsdale (1893), 97Google Scholar. See also Browning, , Danby, I, 417–418Google Scholar. Wilson, James, “Political History,” Victoria History of the County of Cumberland, 2 vols. (London, 1901–1905), II, 298Google Scholar. Danby also dispatched a request to William of Orange for a commission as lieutenant general of the five northern counties of York, Durham, Northumberland, Cumberland, and Westmorland; and at the same time he sought wide powers to raise additional troops and to collect public moneys for their support. See [earl of Danby] to prince of Orange, 7 December, printed in Browning, Danby, II, 149–150Google Scholar. This was the first message from Danby that William acknowledged receiving; he ignored the earl's request. Prince of Orange to [earl of Danby], 12/22 December, ibid., p. 150n.
83 See earl of Devonshire to [earl of Danby], 5 December. Same to same, 8 December. Browning, , Danby, II, 146n–147n, 151nGoogle Scholar. Prince of Orange to bishop of London, 5/15 December, HMC 8: 9th Rep., Pt. II, Morrison, 460-461. This was the first word that had been received from William, but it is apparent that the insurgents had already considered the possibility of marching south toward Oxford. See the postscript of the letter from Lady Justinian Isham to Sir Justinian Isham, 6 December, Northamptonshire Record Office, Isham MSS, IC 1431.
84 See earl of Devonshire to earl of Danby, 8 December, Browning, , Danby, II, 151nGoogle Scholar. Among the Lefleming newsletters not printed by the Historical Manuscripts Commission is one, dated 5 December, which contains reference to 1500 horse at Nottingham. Bodleian, MS Don, G39, fol. 49.
85 According to one of the peers involved, the force numbered 3000 horse and 800 foot by the time it reached Leicester. This figure would seem to be considerably inflated, although not entirely impossible. Lord Grey de Ruthin to Viscount Hatton, [10? December], BM, Add. MSS, 29,563, fol. 395. An estimate of 2000 horse upon arrival in Coventry is contained in another of the Lefleming newsletters, 15 [December], Bodleian, MS Don, C39. fol. 62. Yet another participant in the march to Oxford estimated that the army from Nottingham numbered 3000 horse and some foot by the time it reached its destination. ? Keirnes to William Adams, 18 Decembei, Cheshire Record Office, Cholmondeley MSS, DCH/K/10.
86 For public response along the route of march, see Cibber, , Apology, p. 49Google Scholar. The earl of Chesterfield, Lord Ferrers, and a good many of the Derbyshire gentlemen left the party at Warwick where, on December 12, news was received of James's first attempt to leave the country and of the virtual dissolution of the royal army. See Chesterfield's entrybook, Letters of Chesterfield, p. 51. Earl of Chesterfield to marquess of Halifax, 16 December, ibid., p. 335. A day or two later at Banbury, Sir Gilbert Clarke of Derbyshire also left to return home. Although he had originally come in with Chesterfield, the circumstances of his leave-taking were less strained; but whether he went alone or in a party is impossible to determine. See Robert Wilmot to Sir John Gell, 19 December, Newnham Hall, Gell MSS, Series A, #37.
87 See [Arthur Charlett] to ?, 12 December, Bodleian, MS Eng Hist, C6, fol. 124. Prince of Orange to [duke of Ormond], 12 December. Bodleian, MS Carte 40, fol. 502. A fairly detailed description of Anne's arrival and reception at the university is to be found in the diary of Dr. Thomas Smith, fellow of Magdalen College, Bodleian, MS Smith 141, fol. 39.
88 Expecting to depart York on 12 December with 600 horse, Danby thought he would reach Oxford about 20 December. The substance of this paragraph is based largely on Browning, Danby, I, 411–418.Google Scholar
89 See Browning, Andrew, ed., English Historical Documents, 1660-1714 (London, 1953), p. 19Google Scholar; Kenyon, , Nobility in the Revolution, pp. 18–19Google Scholar. Mrs. Pinkham is perhaps most charitable when writing about events in the North, but she is interested in the risings there primarily as they illustrate factional quarrels leading to dissention among the victors after the Revolution. Pinkham, Lucile, William III and the Respectable Revolution (Cambridge, Mass., 1954), pp. 162–168.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
90 Philippe Johann Hoffman to Emperor Leopold I, 3 December, de Cavelli, Campana, Derniers Stuarts, II, 338–339.Google Scholar