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Patterns of Violence in Early Tudor Enclosure Riots*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 July 2014

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Extract

Enclosure riots were a prominent manifestation of social tension in England in the 1530's and 1540's. Although enclosures of land for pasturage and tillage had been undertaken since the beginning of English agriculture and did not usually cause social conflict, the rapid increase in population of the sixteenth century pressed hard on the available supply of land. The necessity of increasing the food supply speeded up the process of enclosure. The supplies of corn and meat could not be increased significantly without the year-round use of enclosed and consolidated plots of land, which was inconsistent with communal access to common and waste land and the stubble remaining after the harvest on arable lands. Other causes of friction in agrarian society included the greater fluidity in the land market resulting from the dissolution of the monasteries together with revolutionary methods of exploiting the land. The social relationships existing among great landlords, small holders and tenants could not remain unaffected.

The main purpose of this essay is to analyze the early Tudor enclosure riot as a primitive or pre-political form of social protest. This will necessitate: (1) describing the forms and extent of violence employed; (2) distinguishing between those riots that accompany the Pilgrimage of Grace and the rebellions of 1548-49 and those riots that occur outside of the years of rebellion; and (3) modifying the assumption that the typical enclosure riot was perpetrated by an exasperated peasantry venting their rage upon the hedges and ditches of a commercially-minded, grasping gentry.

Type
Research Article
Information
Albion , Volume 6 , Issue 2 , Summer 1974 , pp. 120 - 133
Copyright
Copyright © North American Conference on British Studies 1974

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Footnotes

*

An earlier version of this article was read at the Midwest Conference on British Studies. October 20-21, 1973. The research was facilitated by a National Endowment for the Humanities summer stipend, for which I am most grateful.

References

1 Thirsk, Joan, Tudor Enclosures (Historical Association, general series. No. 41), pp. 410Google Scholar; Thirsk, Joan, ed., The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. IV: 15001640, (Cambridge, 1967). pp. 200-205Google Scholar; Tawney, R. H., The Agrarian Problem of the Sixteenth Century (New York, 1967 reprint ed.), pp. 200205.Google Scholar

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4 George Rudé argues that insofar as the preindustrial crowd employed violence against persons, it was due to the corrupt example of the governing classes (Paris and London in the Eighteenth Century: Studies in Popular Protest (New York, 1971 reprint ed.), pp. 2628Google Scholar. For discussions of other aspects of the use of violence by Tudor peers and gentry, cf. Smith, R. B., Land and Politics in the England of Henry VIII: The West Riding of Yorkshire, 1539-46 (Oxford, 1970), pp. 144–51Google Scholar; Stone, Lawrence, The Crisis of the Aristocracy, 15581641 (New York, 1967), pp. 107–13Google Scholar; James, M. E., A Tudor Magnate and the Tudor State: Henry, Fifth Earl of Northumberland (York; Borthwick Papers, no. 30. 1966), pp. 1011Google Scholar; Bradford, G., ed., Proceedings of the Court of Star Chamber in the Reigns of Henry VII and Henry VIII (Somerset Record Society, XXVII, 1911), pp. 2122Google Scholar; Lehmbrrg, Stanford E.. “Star Chamber; 1485-1509,” The Huntington Library Quarterly, XXIV (1961), 189214.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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7 In the open-field regions of East Anglia, enclosures were not consistent with a manorial lord's exercise of the privilege of allowing his sheep to pursue a foldcourse across his tenant's lands. In this region it was more in the interest of the tenant to enclose his land; landlords seem to have permitted enclosures only when easements were guaranteed for the seignorial sheep (Simpson, Alan, The Wealth of the Gentry, 1540-1660 [Chicago, 1961], p. 83Google Scholar).

8 PRO, STAC 2/29/100, John Rogers, husbandman vs. Henry Dengayn, gentleman, 1545.

9 Ibid., STAC 2/29/134 and 2/29/65, Jan. [1544].

10 Ibid., STAC 2/34/33, John Sharp, gentleman vs. George Vernon, esquire, Michaelmas [1542]; 2/29/18, John Sharp vs. William Bone, yeoman, 20 Nov. [1542]; 2/31/65, Robert Wolsencrafte, yeoman vs. John Sharp, 20 March [1545].

11 Ibid., STAC 2/32/119, John Raunce, yeoman vs. George Petyfere, Mayor of Chipping Wycombe et al [1542-43].

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14 Ibid., p. 40.

15 Ibid., p. 47.

16 Ibid., pp. 63, 66.

17 For example, see PRO, STAC 2/15/fos. 37-38, Tenants of Fenny Drayton, Cambridgeshire vs. Tenants of Fenny Stanton, 1533.

18 Brown, William, ed., Yorkshire Star Chamber Proceedings, vol. III, (Yorkshire Archaeological Society, Record Series, LI, 1913), p. 161.Google Scholar

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21 Ibid., pp. 43, 58, 59-60, 64-65.

22 Dickens, A.G., ed., Clifford Letters of the Sixteenth Century (Surtees Society, CLXXII, 1957), p. 25Google Scholar; see also M.H., and Dodds, R., The Pilgrimage of Grace, 1536-37 and the Exeter Conspiracy, 1538 (Cambridge, 1915), I: 7374Google Scholar; Reid, R. R., The King's Council in the North (London, 1921), pp. 124–25.Google Scholar

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24 Ibid.

25 Ibid., X, 77.

26 Ibid., X: 733; M. H., and Dodds, R., Pilgrimage of Grace, I: 7374.Google Scholar

27 In three cases the victims were townsmen; in one instance a clergyman; two cases involved disputes between two or three villages concerning a commons shared between them. In four cases the social status of the victims is unknown.

28 Boyd, W.K., ed., “[Staffordshire] Star Chamber Proceedings. Henry VIII and Edward VI,” William Salt Archaeological Society (1912), pp. 197201Google Scholar. The wood and pasture were enclosed by agreement between Grymes and the tenants of Welton shortly after the former acquired the manor in order to keep out the beasts belonging to inhabitants of other villages. Subsequently, according to the defendants, Grymes forcibly excluded them from the enclosed area.

29 Also known as Kirkby Overcarr, situated near Pickering.

30 Lister, John, ed., Yorkshire Star Chamber Proceedings, Vol. IV (Yorkshire Archaeological Society, Record Series, LXX, 1927), pp. 4758.Google Scholar

31 PRO, STAC 3/5/51.

32 Ibid., STAC 3/3/48.

33 Yorkshire Star Chamber Proceedings, IV: 103105.Google Scholar

34 Some of my categories are derived from Hobsbawm, Eric, Primitive Rebels: Studies in Archaic Forms of Social Movement in the 19th and 20th Centuries (New York, 1965), Chap. I.Google Scholar

35 Strype, John, Ecclesiastical Memorials (Oxford, 1822), II: ii, 348 ffGoogle Scholar; Hammond, R. J., “The Social and Economic Circumstances of Ket's Rebellion” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of London, 1934), pp. 106108Google Scholar; Historical Manuscripts Commission, XIII. iv [Hereford Corporation MSS.], 317; PRO, State Papers Domestic, Edward VI, SP 10/8/11, 24; The Agrarian History of England and Wales, IV: 222–24.Google Scholar

36 The Sociology of Revolution (New York, 1967 reprint, ed.), p. 41 ff.Google Scholar

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38 Hobshawm, E. J. and Rudé, George, Captain Swing (New York, 1968), pp. 197220.Google Scholar

39 E.g., see Stow, John, Annales, or a General Chronicle of England (London, 1631), p. 890.Google Scholar

40 Davis, N. Z., “The Rites of Violence: Religious Riot in Sixteenth-Century France,” Past and Present, no. 59 (May, 1973): 5191.Google ScholarPubMed

41 Hughes, P.L. and Larkin, J.F., eds., Tudor Royal Proclamations, vol. I: The Early Tudors, 1485-1553 (New Haven, 1964), no. 342.Google Scholar