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The First Restoration Crisis: Conscience and Coercion in London, 1667–73
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 July 2014
Extract
The years between 1667 and 1673 marked a crisis in the English Restoration. This crisis was produced by parliamentary consideration of an act to replace the expiring Conventicle Act of 1664. Hoping for relief from the provisions of the first act, dissenters in London and elsewhere were described by late 1667 as “mighty high and…expect[ing] to have their day now soon.” But having briefly experienced de facto religious freedom, the English nonconformists met with disappointment in 1670 when parliament adopted a second Conventicle Act. The act of 1670 reaffirmed the settlement of religion in an established Church protected by a coercive and persecuting state. Indeed, it offered the Church even greater security than the act of 1664. It provided for the distraint of the goods of those convicted of attending conventicles, and it established fines for justices and magistrates who failed to carry out its provisions. In renewing the policy of persecution, parliament also repudiated arguments made in public and in the prints, since the fall of the Earl of Clarendon, for such other ecclesiastical options as comprehension, toleration, and indulgence. The result of parliament's decision was a crisis—a period of confrontation, throughout the country, between the defenders of conscience and many magistrates charged with the enforcement of religious policy.
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References
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26 CLRO: SM 34, p. 29; SF 202; [Rudyard, Thomas], The Peoples Antient and Just Liberties asserted, in the Tryal of William Penn, and William Mead (1670), pp. 11, 31, 47–48Google Scholar. The authorship of this tract has recently been assigned either to Rudyard alone or to Rudyard and Penn, but it clearly presents Perm's thinking in 1670: The Papers of William Penn, vol. V, ed. Bronner, Edwin B. and Fraser, David (Philadelphia, 1986), p. 119Google Scholar. Most of the pamphlet is reprinted in Cobbett, , State Trials, 6: 951–1,000Google Scholar. For recent accounts of the trial, see: Green, Thomas A., Verdict According to Conscience (Chicago, 1985), pp. 229–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Horle, Craig W.; The Quakers and the English Legal System, 1660–1688 (Philadelphia, 1988), pp. 116–17CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For the vigor with which Restoration Quakers confronted the political order, see: Greaves, Richard L., “Shattered Expectations? George Fox, the Quakers, and the Restoration State, 1660–1685,” Albion 24 (Summer, 1992): 237–59CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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32 For additional examples of anti-Catholic rhetoric in contemporary dissenting literature, see: [George, Withers], Vox & Lacrimae Anglorum (1668)Google Scholar; Wilson, Joseph, Nehushtan: or, a Sober and peaceable Discourse (1668)Google Scholar; The Englishman, or a Letter from a Universal Friend (1670); [Mead, Mathew], Solomon's Prescription (1665)Google Scholar.
33 CLRO: MS 40/30 includes the subscription lists for both the Corporation loan and that sponsored by the City dissenters. BL, Add. MS. 36, 916, fos. 186, 190, 192; Marvell, , Poems and Letters, 2: 318Google Scholar.
34 CLRO: MS 40/30; Marvell, 2: 318. The remaining subscribers who were elected to Common Council or to the aldermanic bench between 1648 and 1651 were William Allen (d. 1678), Maximilian Bard (d. 1691), James Blatt (d. 1673), Capt. John Brett (d. 1685), Thomas Essington (d. 1673), John Langley, Harmon Sheafe (d. 1681), Col. Matthew Shepherd, and William Vyner. For Thomas Daffeme [Dafforne] as a Leveller, see Tolmie, Murray, The Triumph of the Saints: The Separate Churches of London, 1616–1644 (Cambridge, 1977), p. 180Google Scholar, and BDBR, 1: 209. For biographical information about these individuals, see, generally, Beaven; BDBR, Liu, Tai, Puritan London; A Study of Religion and Society in the City Parishes (London, 1986)Google Scholar; and James Farnell.
35 See Greaves, Enemies Under His Feet, chs. 4 and 6, for the extensive country counterparts to the London scenes of 1667–73.
36 CSPD 1671, p. 496 (SP 29/293/28); CSPD 1671–72, pp. 28, 45 (SP 29/294/178 & 235); Browning, , English Historical Documents, 1660–1714, p. 387Google Scholar. The development of ministerial fears about London dissent in 1671–72 can be traced in Greaves's analysis of the notes of Williamson, Joseph (Enemies Under His Feet, pp. 215–23)Google Scholar. Stephen C. A. Pincus examines the impact of changes in public opinion on Stuart diplomacy in “From Butterboxes to Wooden Shoes: The Shift in English Sentiment from Hollando-phobia to Franco-phobia in the 1670s,” paper delivered at Western/North American Conferences on British Studies, Boulder, Colo., 10 October 1992.
37 The Parliamentary Diary of Edward Dering, ed. Henning, Basil D. (New Haven, Conn., 1940), pp. 114–23, 133–35Google Scholar; Grey, , Debates, 2: 13–48, 89–106Google Scholar; Greaves, , Enemies Under His Feet, pp. 225–27Google Scholar; Tyacke, Nicholas, “The ‘Rise of Puritanism’ and the Legalizing of Dissent, 1571–1719,” in Grell, , ed., From Persecution to Toleration, pp. 32–34Google Scholar; Lacey, Douglas R., Dissent and Parliamentary Politics in England, 1661–1689 (New Brunswick, N.J, 1969), pp. 66–70Google Scholar. Also see: Fletcher, Anthony, “The Enforcement of the Conventicle Acts 1664–1679,” in Shells, W. J., ed., Persecution and Toleration (Oxford, 1984), pp. 235–46Google Scholar.
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39 This is not to deny the importance, in supporting the ideology of popery and arbitrary government, either of the prospect of a popish successor or of perceptions about the international weakness of the Protestant states. Neither is it to deny that anglican Protestants, as well as dissenting Protestants, were to make effective political use of the ideology of popery and arbitrary government in the early 1680s. Dissenting subscription to the ideology of popery and arbitrary government nevertheless has its own distinctive history. For changing public perceptions of the international situation in 1667–73, see Pincus, “From Butterboxes to Wooden Shoes.” For Tory use of the ideology of popery and arbitrary government, see, for instance: Harris, Tim, Politics under the Later Stuarts; Party Conflict in a Divided Society, 1660–1715 (London, 1993), pp. 98–100Google Scholar.
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41 BL, Stowe MS 186, fo. 8. For the problem of defining party in the late Stuart period, see Harris, , Politics under the Later Stuarts, pp. 5–6, 13–14Google Scholar.
42 CSPD 1671, p. 496 (SP 29/293/28). This is not to deny either that many conservative Presbyterians like Richard Baxter continued to hope for preferential inclusion within the establishment or that the Quakers remained aloof from the dissenting mainstream. On the division within the Presbyterian clergy, also see: C. G. Bolam and Jeremy Goring, “The Cataclysm,” and Thomas, Roger, “Parties in Nonconformity,” in The English Presbyterians, ed. Bolam, C. G., et. al. (London, 1968), pp. 87–90, 94–95, 98–99Google Scholar.
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44 Ward was the Lord Mayor in 1680–81, and Pilkington was Lord Mayor in 1689–90. Each was an Exclusionist MP (see Henning, , House of Commons, 3: 245–47, 667–70Google Scholar).
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46 Bethel's, Present Interest of England Stated (1671)Google Scholar, first published during the Restoration crisis about conscience, for instance, is better understood as an example of seventeenth-century interest theory, than as an example of republicanism. See De Krey, “Rethinking the Restoration.”
47 Most recently in “Revolution redivivus: 1688–89 and the Radical Tradition in Seventeenth-Century London Politics,” in The Revolution of 1688–89: Changing Perspectives, ed. Schwoerer, Lois G. (Cambridge, 1992), pp. 198–217Google Scholar.
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