¹ Clark, J. C. D., English Society 1688–1832: Ideology, Social Structure and Political Practice during the Ancien Regime (Cambridge, 1985)Google Scholar.

² Idem, Revolution and Rebellion: State and Society in England in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Cambridge, 1986).

³ Idem, ed., The Memoirs and Speeches of James, 2nd Earl Waldegrave, 1742–1763 (Cambridge, 1988), Introduction.

⁴ Kaye, Harvey J., British Marxist Historians: An Introductory Analysis (London, 1984)Google Scholar has about it the air of a group obituary.

⁵ Phillips, John A., “From Municipal Matters to Parliamentary Principles: Eighteenth-Century Borough Politics in Maidstone,” Journal of British Studies 27 (1988): 327–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Cf. Clark, J. C. D., “Eighteenth Century Social History,” Historical Journal 27 (1984): 773–88CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Professor Phillips does not address that article's criticisms of the assumptions on which an earlier body of psephological research rested; and his description (p. 329) of the methodological basis of “revisionist” scholarship is open to doubt. I believe that its basis is essentially the deconstruction of the categories on which earlier scholarship was premised rather than a rhetorical and unevidenced assertion of an uncongenial ideology. For a brilliant example of this strategy in the field of psephology, see Kishlansky, Mark A., Parliamentary Selection: Social and Political Choice in Early Modern England (Cambridge, 1986)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Many of Professor Kishlansky's insights can, with appropriate modifications, be usefully applied to eighteenth-century evidence.

⁶ Clark, , English Society, p. 83Google Scholar; Phillips, fn. 18.

⁷ E.g. Clark, , English Society, p. 74Google Scholar: “The essence of patriarchalism was hierarchy and divinely appointed, inherent authority, not the lineal descent of the monarch from Adam, fatherly care as a gloss on collectivism, or the degree of kindliness we might fancy we can measure in social relations.” Phillips omits all after “not.”

⁸ Classically in McKendrick, Neil, Brewer, John, and Plumb, J. H., The Birth of a Consumer Society: The Commercialization of Eighteenth-Century England (London, 1982)Google Scholar.

⁹ Soloway, Richard, Prelates and People: Ecclesiastical Social Thought in England 1783–1852 (London, 1969)Google Scholar; Hilton, Boyd, The Age of Atonement: The Influence of Evangelicalism on Social and Economic Thought, 1795–1865 (Oxford, 1988)Google Scholar; Hole, Robert, Pulpits, Politics and Public Order in England 1760–1832 (Cambridge, forthcoming)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Waterman, A. M. C., Revolution, Economics and Religion: Christian Political Economy, 1798–1833 (Cambridge, forthcoming)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰ Evans, Eric J., “The Anglican Clergy of Northern England” in Jones, Clyve, ed., Britain in the First Age of Party (London, 1987), pp. 221–40Google Scholar, argues against the thesis that the Church was “an integral part of a hierarchical social order,” its theology occupying an ideologically dominant position, on the grounds that many incumbents were poor. This conclusion seems, at best, a non-sequitur.

¹¹ This stricture would not apply to, for example, Jenkins, Philip, The Making of a Ruling Class: The Glamorgan Gentry 1640–1790 (Cambridge, 1983)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Regional diversity is emphasized in the work of John Money; but it seems an irrelevant theme in the psephological studies of John Phillips, and does not emerge from his data.

¹² Cf. Tompson, Richard S., The Atlantic Archipelago: A Political History of the British Isles (Lewiston, N. Y., 1986)Google Scholar; Canny, Nicholas, Kingdom and Colony: Ireland in the Atlantic World 1560–1800 (Baltimore, 1988)Google Scholar; Kearney, Hugh, The British Isles: A History of Four Nations (Cambridge, 1989)Google Scholar. For a review of recent literature, cf. Clark, J. C. D., “English History's Forgotten Context: Scotland, Ireland, Wales,” Historical Journal 32 (1989): 211–28CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹³ Cf. Greene, Jack P., Peripheries and Center: Constitutional Development in the Extended Polities of the British Empire and the United States, 1607–1788 (Athens, Ga., 1986)Google Scholar; idem, Pursuits of Happiness: The Social Development of Early Modern British Colonies and the Formation of American Culture (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1988).

¹⁴ England's relations with Scotland, Ireland, and Wales and Britain's relations with her American colonies are the areas of my current research.

¹⁵ The political and social problems that this diarist brought upon himself by his flirtations with Socinianism illustrate well the nature of the continuing hegemony of Trinitarian Anglicanism.

¹⁶ Clark, J. C. D., “Revolution in the English Atlantic Empire 1660–1800” in Rice, E., ed., Revolution and Counter-Revolution (Oxford, 1990)Google Scholar.

¹⁷ The significance of the reassertion of the importance of Jacobitism as an element in early eighteenth-century Toryism is that it places the vivid conflicts of early Hanoverian electors in a different and more convincing dynastic and religious context. The former contrast between early eighteenth-century electoral somnolence and late eighteenth-century transformation has thus been largely dissolved. Studies which are still confined to the reign of George III are in danger of assuming both the novelty and the secular nature of electoral conflict, when both have been rendered untenable by a time-frame which now extends from the seventeenth century (Mark Kishlansky) to the nineteenth (D. C. Moore).

¹⁸ Thorne, R. G., ed., The History of Parliament: The House of Commons 1790–1820, 3 vols. (London, 1986)Google Scholar records no recasting of the role of the English provinces during the period covered.

¹⁹ De Krey, Gary S., A Fractured Society: the Politics of London in the First Age of Party 1688–1715 (Oxford, 1985)Google Scholar.

²⁰ Brown, Ford K., Fathers of the Victorians: The Age of Wilberforce (Cambridge, 1961)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Davidoff, Leonore and Hall, Catherine, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class, 1780–1850 (London, 1987)Google Scholar.

²¹ The Diary of Thomas Turner 1754–1765, ed. Vaisey, David (Oxford, 1984)Google Scholar.

²² Turner, , Diary, p. 36, 21 March 1756Google ScholarPubMed.

²³ Vaisey, Introduction, ibid., p. iv.

²⁴ Turner, , Diary, p. 65Google ScholarPubMed; for similar reflections, cf. pp. 113, 127, 162, 184, 228, 319.

²⁵ Ibid., p. 82, 28 January 1757.

²⁶ Ibid., pp. 36, 137, 175.

²⁷ Ibid., pp. 347–53. The dates of first publication are given where known; many of these titles were frequently reprinted.

²⁸ Comparisons are difficult: surviving accounts seldom bear on the points at issue, e.g. An Eighteenth-Century Shopkeeper: Abraham Dent of Kirkby Stephen, ed. Willan, T. S. (Manchester, 1970)Google Scholar. Against this must be set evidence for provincial literacy in theological and Latin classics: for Manchester, in The Private Journals and Literary Remains of John Byrom, ed. Parkinson, Richard, 2 vols. (Chetham Society, Manchester, 1854–1857)Google Scholar; for Lichfield, in Clifford, James L., Young Samuel Johnson (London, 1955)Google Scholar. Cf. Hunt, C. J., The Book Trade in Northumberland and Durham to 1860 (Newcastle, 1975)Google Scholar and Feather, John, The Provincial Book Trade in Eighteenth-Century England (Cambridge, 1985)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁹ Diary of Thomas Butler of Kirkstall Forge, near Leeds, Yorkshire. From March 8, 1796, to December 31, 1799, privately printed (London, 1906)Google Scholar. Judging from Butler's enquiry addressed to his agent in Hamburg, Butler's family firm manufactured such things as shovels, spades, frying pans, pudding dishes, vices, hammers, anvils, fenders, tongs, pokers, fire shovels, pattern rings, and screws (p. 209).

³⁰ On 5 February 1798 he dined with a Mr. Ingham, “very arbitrary in his Family: will bear no Contradiction—NB—he is a Democrat.—All violent Democrats are Tyrants over their Inferiors. Tis almost an invariable Rule” (p. 196).

³¹ E.g. Butler, , Diary, p. 39Google Scholar.

³² Wilson, R. G., Gentlemen Merchants: The Merchant Community in Leeds 1700–1830 (Manchester, 1971), pp. 172–73, 181–82Google Scholar.

³³ Classically in [Wade, John], The Extraordinary Black Book: An Exposition of the United Church of England and Ireland; Civil Lists and Crown Revenues; Incomes, Privileges, and Power, of the Aristocracy.… Presenting a Complete View of the Expenditure, Patronage, Influence, and Abuses of the Government, in Church, State, Law and Representation (London, 1831)Google Scholar; cf. Rubinstein, W. D., “The End of “Old Corruption” in Britain 1780–1860,” Past & Present 101 (1983): 55–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and the extended context given to this point in Clark, English Society and Revolution and Rebellion.

³⁴ Laslett, Peter, The World We Have Lost (London, 1965)Google Scholar; Schochet, Gordon J., Patriarchalism in Political Thought: The Authoritarian Family and Political Speculation and Attitudes Especially in Seventeenth-Century England (Oxford, 1975)Google Scholar.

³⁵ It was, of course, a church in which laymen, especially owners of advowsons and tithes, exercised considerable power as against local incumbents: cf. Best, G. F. A., Temporal Pillars (Cambridge, 1964), pp. 35–77Google Scholar. Best argues (p. 70) that “Church and state, which had nearly split apart in the revolutions of the seventeenth century, were brought back into close connexion with each other [from the reign of George II]; clergy and laity adopted the same ideals and almost the same conduct; the spiritual and temporal estates became again what they had always been in medieval theory, twin dimensions of an indivisible unity.”

³⁶ Articles of Enquiry Addressed to the Clergy of the Diocese of Oxford at the Primary Visitation of Dr. Thomas Seeker, 1738, ed. Lloyd-Jukes, H. A. (Oxford, 1957), pp. 4–5, 6, 13, 17, 22, 24, 69Google Scholar.

³⁷ Archbishop Herring's Visitation Returns, 1743, ed. Ollard, S. L. and Walker, P. C., 5 vols. (Wakefield, 1928–1931)Google Scholar.

³⁸ The Diocese of Exeter in 1821: Bishop Carey's Replies to Queries before Visitation, ed. Cook, Michael, 2 vols. (Torquay, 1958–1960)Google Scholar.

³⁹ Report from the Clergy of a District in the Diocese of Lincoln, Convened for the Purpose of Considering the State of Religion In the Several Parishes in the Said District, as well as the best Mode of promoting the Belief and Practice of it; and Of guarding, as much as possible, against the Dangers arising to the Church and Government of this Kingdom, from the alarming Increase of Profaneness and Irreligion on the one Hand, and from the false Doctrines and evil Designs of Fanatic and Seditious Teachers on the Other (London, 1800), pp. 7–9, 15Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ In 1776, Richard Watson claimed that the state was being defended with a claim of unlimited obedience. William Stevens protested: “I never heard of any who maintained it. If by unlimited, he means passive obedience, which I suspect he does from his using the term as synonymous to non-resistance, I am sorry, that a master in Israel should not know these things better. There is surely an essential difference between obeying unlawful commands, implied by unlimited obedience, and patient suffering for not obeying them, which is, properly speaking, passive obedience”: [Stevens, William], The Revolution Vindicated, and Constitutional Liberty Asserted (Cambridge, 1777), pp. 13–14Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Cf. Langford, Paul, “Old Whigs, Old Tories and the American Revolution,” Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 8 (1980), 106–30, at 124CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴² James Bradley argues (the argument is a circular one) for “a resurgence of Toryism” in the 1770s proved by men espousing “what can only be called Tory views of monarchy.” This thesis does not address my argument in English Society about the profound similarity of official Whig and Tory ideologies under the first two Georges (an affinity fractured mainly by the dynastic issue), so that Tory reconciliation to the dynasty after 1760 did not entail a major restructuring of official Whig ideology. The nature of Anglican hegemony cannot be correctly diagnosed until the early-Hanoverian experience is given equal weight with evidence for the reign of George III: the confessional state was not the property of one party alone, still less a concept of an anachronistically revived Tory party.

⁴³ For an exploration of the concept of hegemony, see Femia, Joseph V., Gramsci's Political Thought (Oxford, 1981), pp. 23–60Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ Discussed below.

⁴⁵ If it were possible to do so, it would have to be conceded also that the rapid advance of Anglican Evangelicalism from the 1790s, and the associated changes in public morals, actually strengthened the hegemony of the Church as the catastrophe of 1828–32 approached.

⁴⁶ Sekora, John, Luxury: The Concept in Western Thought, Eden to Smollett (Baltimore, 1977)Google Scholar and Hirschman, Albert O., The Passions and the Interests: Political Arguments for Capitalism before its Triumph (Princeton, 1977)Google Scholar fail to record the origins of the “luxury” debate in Anglican social teaching.

⁴⁷ Cf. J. C. D. Clark, “Revolution in the English Atlantic Empire, 1660–1800.”

⁴⁸ Phillips, John A., Electoral Behavior in Vnreformed England: Plumpers, Splitters and Straights (Princeton, 1982)Google Scholar, and his articles there listed; Bradley, James, Religion, Revolution and English Radicalism: Nonconformity in Politics and Society, 1754–1784 (Cambridge, forthcoming)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁹ Bradley, ante, seeks unnecessarily to rephrase the clash of Anglican and Dissenter in party terms: “When we speak loosely of Tory or Whig ideas, we are above all describing mentalities,” etc. This part of his argument is not substantiated, and (in the absence of wider chronological horizons) it does not escape anachronism in its reliance on categories such as “Tory” and “radicalism.”

⁵⁰ Phillips, in Electoral Behavior, argued that “the developing partisan alliances of the late eighteenth century seem to have been influenced less by socio-economic variations among voters than by their religious, and perhaps even patently ideological differences. Thus it seems that political cleavages in this society preceded rather than stemmed from the new economic and social cleav-ages brought about by industrialization” (p. xv).

⁵¹ Phillips, cites five clerical journals: The Bletchley Diary of the Rev. William Cole MA FSA, 1765–67, ed. Stokes, Francis Griffin (London, 1931)Google Scholar; The Diary of a Country Parson: the Reverend James Woodforde, ed. Beresford, John, 5 vols. (Oxford, 1924)Google Scholar; The Diary of the Revd. William Jones 1771–1821, ed. Christie, O. F. (London, 1929)Google Scholar; Paupers and Pig Killers: The Diary of William Holland a Somerset Parson 1799–1818, ed. Ayres, Jack (Gloucester, 1984)Google Scholar; Skinner, John, Journal of a Somerset Rector 1803–1834, ed. Howard, and Coombs, Peter (Bath, 1971)Google Scholar.

⁵² The very different literary conventions which governed earlier diaries would make such a comparison exceedingly difficult: cf., for example, Macfarlane, Alan. ed., The Diary of Ralph Josselin 1616–1683 (London, 1976)Google Scholar. Josselin, vicar of Earl's Colne, Essex, from 1641 to 1683, scarcely conceived of his relations with his parishioners in terms other than those of providence, sin, grace, and redemption, all within a strong millenanan framework. This unthreatened nexus was evidently not eroded by the “revolution” of the 1640s; the change comes through the forms of mass religious disengagement from Anglicanism witnessed in the eighteenth century.

⁵³ Although Deconinck-Brossard, Françoise, Vie Politique, Sociale et Religieuse en Grande Bretagne d'après les Sermons préchés ou publiés dans le Nord de l''Angleterre 1738–1760, 2 vols. (Paris, 1984)Google Scholar, depicts a church deeply involved in all aspects of social life in a way reminiscent of the Catholic Church in ancien-regime France.

⁵⁴ de Tocqueville, Alexis, Democracy in America, ed. Mayer, J. P. and Lerner, Max, 2 vols. (London, 1968), vol. 2, part 2, ch. 2Google Scholar (first published 1835, on the basis of a visit to the United States from May 1831 to February 1832). For an argument that “individualism” in this sense has been an historical episode in American history rather than an eternal verity cf. Coontz, Stephanie, The Social Origins of Private Life (London, 1988)Google Scholar; cf. Arieli, Y., Individualism and Nationalism in American Ideology (Cambridge, Mass., 1964)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For the European conception cf. Morris, Colin, The Discovery of the Individual 1050–1200 (London, 1972)Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ de Tocqueville, Alexis, Journeys to England and Ireland, ed. Mayer, J. P. (London, 1958), pp. 50, 59–61, 64, 66–72, 79Google Scholar. These perceptions support my conclusions in English Society 1688–1832, ch. 6.

⁵⁶ Social conflict is a theme markedly absent in many other clerical diaries. Cf. the diary of John Thomlinson (1692–1761), a curate in Co. Durham 1717–20, rector of Glenfield, Leicestershire 1720–61, printed for 1717–22 in Hodgson, J. C., ed., Six North Country Diaries, Surtees Society, vol. 118 (London, 1910), pp. 64–167Google Scholar; The Diary of Benjamin Rogers Rector of Carlton, 1720–71, ed. Linnell, C. D., Bedfordshire Historical Record Society, vol. 30 (Streatley, Beds., 1950)Google Scholar, printed for 1727–40; Recreations and Studies of a Country Gentleman of the Eighteenth Century. Being Selections from the Correspondence of the Rev. Thomas Twining, M.A. (London, 1882)Google Scholar, the record of a Rector of St. Mary's, Colchester (b. 1735, d. 1804); Diaries of William Johnston Temple 1780–1796 ed. Bettany, Lewis (Oxford, 1929)Google Scholar: Temple (1739–1796) was incumbent of parishes first in Devonshire, then Cornwall; Memoirs of the Life and Writings of the late Rev. Henry Tanner, of Exeter, ed. Hawker, Robert (London, 1811)Google Scholar: Tanner (1718–1805) here writes a journal of spiritual introspection prompted by George Whitefield; Freeman, John, Life of the Rev. William Kirby, MA (London, 1852)Google Scholar, Rector of Barham, Norfolk; The Journal of the Rev. William Bagshaw Stevens, ed. Galbraith, Georgina (Oxford, 1965)Google Scholar, which covers the years 1792–1800; The Diary of a Cotswold Parson: Reverend F. E. Witts, 1783–1854, ed. Verey, David (Gloucester, 1980)Google Scholar, printed for the years 1820–52; Reminiscences Personal and Bibliographical of Thomas Hartwell Horne, BD, FSA, ed. Cheyne, Sarah Anne (London, 1862)Google Scholar. David Davies, Rector of Barkham, Berkshire 1782–1819 and author of the classic The Case of Labourers in Husbandry Stated and Considered (London, 1795)Google Scholar seems to have enjoyed equally good relations both with his poor parishioners and with the tenant farmers from whom he derived his tithe: Horn, Pamela, A Georgian Parson and His Village: The Story of David Davies (1742–1819) (Abingdon, 1981)Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ Cf. Gough, Richard, The History of Myddle, ed. Hey, David (Harmondsworth, 1981)Google Scholar. Gough (1635–1723), of Myddle in Shropshire, “was writing from the point of view of the small free-holder and orthodox Anglican, who upheld the moral code of the church and preached the virtues of hard work and obedience … his scathing denunciations were aimed at relatively few individuals” (p. 10).

⁵⁸ Memoirs of the Life of the Rev. Dr. Trusler.… Written by Himself (Bath, 1806), p. 146Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ Tithe conflicts, too, were as old as the parochial system: cf. the difficulties and legal arguments recorded in Extracts from the Diary of the Rev. Robert Meeke, Minister of the Ancient Chapelry of Slaithwaite, near Huddersfield, ed. Morehouse, Henry James (London, 1874), p. 33Google Scholar and passim, and the journal of the Rev. William Sampson 1672–1701, printed as The Rectors Book Clayworth Notts, ed. Gill, Harry and Guilford, Everard (Nottingham 1910), pp. 23, 30, 44–45, 57, 78–80, 94, 135, 146–53Google Scholar. Tithe disptues did not prevent Sampson from knowing his parishioners closely and recording their churchgoing in detail. The same minute knowledge of a congregation, and exact records of charity distributed to the poor, can be found in the notebook of the Rectors of Lower Heyford, Oxfordshire 1730–80, begun by the Rev. Thomas Leigh: Bodleian MS Top. Oxon. f. 50.

⁶⁰ Hart, A. Tindal, in The Country Priest in English History (London, 1959), wrote (p. 18)Google Scholar of the “continuity” of pastoral care “persisting substantially unaltered for nearly a thousand years from the Norman Conquest to the Great War of 1914–18.” It includes works of the obscurity of the Rev.Ellman's, William BoysRecollections of a Sussex Parson (London, 1912)Google Scholar and minor classics like Kilvert's Diary: Selections from the Diary of the Rev. Francis Kilvert 1 January 1870–13 March 1879, ed. Plomer, William, 3 vols. (London, 1938–1940)Google Scholar, an innocent and idyllic vision without any perception of systemic, structural social conflict. The last clerical diary in this genre is probably Echoes of the Great War: The Diary of the Reverend Andrew Clark 1914–1919, ed. Munson, James (Oxford, 1985)Google Scholar.

⁶¹ For the Anglican campaign against Methodism, see Warne, Arthur, Church and Society in Eighteenth-Century Devon (Newton Abbot, 1969), pp. 106–28Google Scholar.

⁶² Cole, , Diary, p. 307Google ScholarPubMed, Cole to Mrs. Barton, 25 Dec. 1767.

⁶³ Holland, , Diary, p. 33, 11 May 1800Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ Ibid., p. 270, 3 March 1816; cf. p. 292.

⁶⁵ Skinner, , Journal, p. 26Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ Ibid., p. 27.

⁶⁷ E.g. in Autobiography of Thomas Wright, of Birkenshaw, in the County of York. 1736–1797, ed. Wright, Thomas (London, 1864)Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ Cole, , Diary, p. 88, 11 Aug. 1766Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ This 1760s unpreparedness was soon modified by the Subscription Controversy of the early 1770s.

⁷⁰ Cole, , Diary, p. 178, 24 Jan. 1767Google ScholarPubMed.

⁷¹ Ibid., p. 253, 21 Aug. 1767.

⁷² Holland, , Diary, p. 62Google Scholar.

⁷³ The Diary of Benjamin Newton Rector of Wath 1816–1818, ed. Fendall, C. P. and Crutchley, E. A. (Cambridge, 1933), p. 61, 5 March 1817Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ Rev.Thackeray, Francis, A Defence of the Clergy of the Church of England (London, 1822), p. 145Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ Newton, , Diary, p. 61, 6 March 1817Google Scholar. Gibbon to Lord Sheffield, 30 May 1792, in The Letters of Edward Gibbon, ed. Norton, J. E., 3 vols. (London, 1956), 3: 257Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ Skinner, , Journal, p. 284, 12 May 1825Google ScholarPubMed.

⁷⁷ Thackeray, , Defence of the Clergy, p. iiiGoogle Scholar. For an argument that the “decisive period” in the decline of clerical power and status came between 1828 and 1840, see Virgin, Peter, The Church in an Age of Negligence: Ecclesiastical Structure and the Problems of Church Reform 1700–1840 (Cambridge, 1989)Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ Skinner, , Journal, p. 379, 8 Feb. 1829Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Grimshawe, T. S., A Memoir of the Rev. Legh Richmond, AM (3rd edn.; London, 1828), pp. 40–41Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ Skinner, , Journal, p. 429, 30 April 1831Google ScholarPubMed; cf. Thomas, Keith, Man and the Natural World: Changing Attitudes in England 1500–1800 (London, 1983), pp. 41–50Google Scholar. “In early modern England human rule over the lower creatures provided the mental analogue on which many political and social arrangements were based.… Domestication thus became the archetypal pattern for other kinds of social subordination. The model was a paternal one, with the ruler a good shepherd, like the bishop with his pastoral staff” (p. 46).

⁸¹ Jones, , Diary, p. 127, 7 Sept. 1801Google ScholarPubMed.

⁸² Holland, , Diary, p. 31, 27 April 1800Google Scholar.

⁸³ Skinner, , Journal, p. viGoogle ScholarPubMed. It must be re-emphasized that such passages are statements of ideals. Realities could sometimes wear a much uglier face, as with the East Anglian “bread or blood” riots of 1816 or the more widespread “Captain Swing” riots of 1830–31. For the clergy's role in countering such disorder, see Virgin, , Age of Negligence, pp. 7–11Google Scholar. But it seems clear that the targets of rural violence were landowners as such, and rarely clergy as such. For the Church's more general problems see Best, , Temporal Pillars, pp. 137–84Google Scholar.