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Britain's Policy-Making Elite, the Naval Disarmament Puzzle, and Public Opinion, 1927–1932
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 July 2014
Extract
Between 1927 and 1932, the policy-making elite of the British Government was presented with a difficult problem. Postwar attempts to explain the origins of the First World War had resulted in the belief that arms production and competition had largely been responsible for instigating the conflict. Such a view became accepted by the general public in Britain. Specifically, the pre-1914 naval competition between Germany and Great Britain was thought to be one of the key events that had contributed directly to the outbreak of the war. Such fears concerning naval armaments were touted by peace activists as having been instrumental in assuring the success of the Washington Naval Conference of 1921–22. Yet, this simple explanation does not adequately illustrate the intricate and complex connections that were made between naval armaments and other issues related to Britain's international affairs. Rather than the simple possession of naval arms, British leaders feared that other pressing issues would lead to a re-occurrence of hostilities. Questions concerning world oil supplies, reparations, war debts, tariffs, the value of the pound and the gold standard, and, particularly, belligerent rights and freedom of the seas, were all viewed as having the potential to generate another international conflict. Thus, the existence of armaments themselves was not Britain's primary security problem from the perspective of the policy-making elite. Rather, their common cause was how to protect Britain's position as the center of a world economic system. Safeguarding Britain's own stable position as a focus that provided leadership for the rest of the world was seen as the logical step to ensuring global stability. In order to create an atmosphere of goodwill and security that was necessary to prevent volatile issues from exploding, the British governing elite treated naval arms talks and naval armaments as a form of currency in the realm of international relations.
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References
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16 Viscount Cecil of Chelwood, was Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, and British Delegate to the Preparatory Commission for the Disarmament Conference, until his resignation in August 1927. He was also one of the founding members of the League of Nations Union.
17 It was at once apparent that there was a wide divergence of principle between the naval and military sides: Cap). Alfred C. Dewar, “The Road to Rearmament,” and Rear-Admiral (RN), H. G. Thursfield, “Fifteen Years of Naval Treaty-Making,” pp. 71–83, Brassey's, 1937; and CID Papers, CD? Paper 998-B, “Historical Survey of the Negotiations Since the War for the Limitation of Naval Armament,” June 1930, P.R.O., Kew, London, CAB 4/18.
18 “The public in England were looking forward to some alleviation from the burden of expenditure on the Fighting Services through the medium of the International discussions on the limitation of armaments...” Lord Salisbury (Lord Privy Seal), CID Minutes, 224th meeting, April 4, 1927, CAB (Cabinet Archives, PRO) 2/5, p. 2.
19 Ibid. The Preparatory Commission for the Disarmament Conference was to prepare the “mechanics of a disarmament convention so that the Conference to be called eventually would have only to come to agreement upon the figures to be inserted in the framework of the convention thus drafted.” See Chaput, , Disarmament in British Foreign Policy, p. 134Google Scholar.
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28 Chamberlain to London, July 19, 1927, Ibid, No. 463, pp. 698. Also, Chamberlain to Sir E. Howard (British Ambassador in Washington), August 2, 1927, DBFP, Series IA, Vol. Ill, No. 494, pp. 718–19, hints that the recall was in order for the CID and Cabinet to correct the weak position which Cecil had been advocating at the Geneva Naval Conference, and ensure that Cecil “understood” Britain's position concerning cruisers and parity with the USN.
29 CID Minutes, Minutes of the 228th Meeting, July 7, 1927, CAB 2/5.
30 Ibid and CED Minutes, Minutes of the 229th meeting, July 14, 1927, CAB 2/5.
31 Chamberlain was specifically referring to the Geneva Protocol of 1924 that asked for Britain to consider in advance the definition of military assistance which it would be disposed to give under Article 16 (of the Covenant of the League of Nations), and further, that Britain would remain the judge of the type and the extent of the military measures it would take (in particular blockade) during a time of war. Chamberlain dispatch to Tyrrell (permanent under-secretary, Foreign Office), September 18, 1927, DBFP, Series IA, Vol. Ill, No. 206, p. 363.
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35 The British government was very concerned about the negative publicity they would receive after Cecil's resignation, especially in the US, as well as in Great Britain. Memo from Craigie (FO, American Department) on the “Effect on Public Opinion in the U.S. of Lord Cecil's Resignation from the Government,” DBFP, Series IA, Vol. IV, No. 212, pp. 382–84.
36 Chamberlain to London (Geneva), July 7, 1927, DBFP, Series IA, Vol. Ill, No. 406, pp. 649–50.
37 Chamberlain to London (Geneva), July 29, 1927, DBFP, Series IA, Vol. Ill, No. 478, p. 707.
38 Chamberlain to Howard, July 30, 1927, DBFP, Series IA, Vol. III, No. 482, p. 710.
39 Lynch, “A Matter of Controversy,” pp. 70–71. Admiral Sir Charles Madden, who had succeeded Lord Beatty as the First Sea Lord on July 30, was particularly keen on the idea of a one Power standard and maintained that under no circumstances should Britain be bound to a position of inferiority, with respect to the cruiser question and the freedom of the seas issue. See CID Minutes of Meetings, Minutes of Meeting 236, July 5, 1928, CAB 2/5.
40 “There is no doubt that the possibilities presented by a pact to renounce war captured public attention in Britain, the United States, and other countries for most of 1928. But the negotiation of the pact, with all of the work it entailed for the diplomats, really served to divert the public and the press in Britain and the United States from the more critical political differences that separated the two countries.” McKercher, , The Second Baldwin Government, p. 128Google Scholar (the rest of this paragraph is based on ch. 5).
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48 Ibid. See also FO, 800, Vol. 263, Telegram, Chamberlain to Howard, February 16, 1929: “The greatest reserve in handling all these questions is necessary at the present time if we are to have any chance of ultimate agreement and the less they become the subject of public discussion the better it will be.”
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58 CID Papers, Paper 973-B, “The Optional Clause,” November 26, 1929, CAB 4/19.
59 See Greg C. Kennedy, “The 1930 London Naval Conference,” pp. 154–55.
60 MacDonald's desire to keep questions concerning naval disarmament and British security, particularly with respect to the United States, in his own hands is discussed in Carlton, MacDonald vs. Henderson, and is a reoccurring theme in the MacDonald Diary as well: see Diary entries of November 20 and December 3, 1929, MacDonald MSS, PRO, 30/69/1753. Henderson was bent on directing policy aimed at general disarmament and League issues. MacDonald's ideas found a receptive listener in the newly elected US President Herbert Hoover.
61 From the beginning of MacDonald's term in office it was clear that he would ensure that the Admiralty would be “be more cooperative than had been the case in the past,” on issues concerning disarmament. Dawes to Stimson, June 18, 1929, HHPP, 998.
62 MacDonald was extremely upset and depressed over the unemployment issue, and was constantly searching for solutions to the problem. He hoped that money saved through naval limitation would help the situation, but that the limitation would not impair Britain's security or sovereignty. Diary entry, 24 December, 1929, MacDonald MSS, Also see, O. Kennedy, “The 1930 London Naval Conference,” pp. 150–51.
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70 Ibid, Diary entry, February 2, 1930.
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73 Ibid, Diary entry, February 16, 1930.
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79 CID Papers, Paper No. 99 IB, “Memorandum by Sir Robert Vansittart, Permanent under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs,” May 17, 1930.
80 Vansittart memo, Nov.16, 1927, DBFP, Series IA, Vol. IV, No. 226, pp. 440–441.