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Aelred of Rievaulx's Rhetoric and Morale at the Battle of the Standard, 1138

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 July 2014

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The morale or fighting spirit of an army has always been a most important if intangible factor in military success. Clausewitz believed that “the moral [psychological] elements are among the most important in war.” Field-Marshal Montgomery went so far as to claim that “the morale of the soldier is the greatest single factor in war.” And Napoleon's dictum has often been quoted: in war “the moral is to the physical as three is to one.” Since morale is such an elusive quality, however, its role in military history can be nearly lost in the study of battles of long ago. Indeed, the historians of medieval warfare have been little concerned with it. Philippe Contamine, in his War in the Middle Ages, includes a short chapter on courage, which focuses on theological definitions of courage as a virtue and risk assessment in the wars of the later middle ages. J. F. Verbruggen makes a number of valuable comments on the psychology of war. But these two are notable exceptions. Of course, the evidence for mental states in medieval battles is severely limited, but even what little there is has been largely overlooked.

For at least one significant battle, the Battle of the Standard, there is evidence which shows the psychology of one of the two armies which faced one another on a foggy August morning in 1138. We can see in considerable detail the low morale of the northern English forces as they tried in desperation to stop a devastating invasion by the king of Scotland. We can see their concerns and fears, and some of the attempts by the leaders to overcome them and rouse their spirits. We indeed get a remarkable glimpse of “the face of battle”—or at least the pre-battle. Military historians of the middle ages have neglected this building of battle morale entirely; although other historians have made passing reference to it. Since the evidence for the morale of the English army at the Battle of the Standard is so unusual and full, it deserves greater attention. The developments leading up to the battle will be considered briefly, and then evidence that reveals the psychology of a medieval army will be considered in detail.

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Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © North American Conference on British Studies 1988

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References

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8 For example, John Beeler, Warfare in England; Oman, Charles, A History of the Art of War in the Middle Ages, 2nd ed., 2 vols. (London, 1924)Google Scholar.

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28 In the chronicle attributed to Benedict of Peterborough the commander warns; There is one thing, bravest nobles, that I want to stress firmly: it is not possible to tum back as fugitives. For we are so surrounded from all sides by our enemies that since there is no hope of flight, this alone remains, that we conquer or we fall” (The Chronicle of the Reigns of Henry II and Richard I, 2 vols, ed. by Stubbs, William [Rolls Series], 1: 53)Google Scholar.

29 Typtcal is the short description of Edmund who, before doing battle with Cnut, bids his men to remember that they are fighting for their country and children, their wives and homes (Florence of Worcester, Chronicon ex Chronicis, 2 vols., ed. by Thorpe, Benjamin [London, 1848], 1: 174)Google Scholar.

30 Henry of Huntingdon's speech for Duke William before the Battle of Hastings is for the most part a long enumeration of past Norman victories, going all the way back to Hasting, and Rollo, (Historia Anglorum, ed. by Arnold, Thomas [Rolls Series], pp. 200–02)Google Scholar.

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33 Near the end of his long sermon to the Second Crusaders attacking the walls of Lisbon, the priest draws this conclusion: If it should happen that any one signed with this cross should die, we do not believe that life has been taken from him, for we have no doubt that he is changed into something better. Here, therefore, to live is glory and to die is gain” (De Expugnatione Lyxbonensi, ed. and trans. by David, Charles Wendell [New York, 1936], pp. 156–57)Google Scholar.

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35 Before a battle in the Holy Land, the Master of the Templars stresses that “it is not difficult to conquer either with many or with few when the victory is from heaven,” and the Master of the Hospitallers recalls the victory of Abraham with only three hundred slaves over four kings (De Expugnatione Terrae Sanctae per Saladinum Libellus, in Radulphi de Coggeshall Chronicon Anglicanum, ed. by Stevenson, Joseph [Rolls Series], p. 212Google Scholar).

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40 Nicholl suggests that both Ralph and Walter may have exhorted the army (Thurstan, p. 225). There are also indications of other words of encouragement, spoken by the priests to their men (Aelred, , Relatio, p. 192Google Scholar).

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48 The editor notes that William of Newburgh “also tells this erroneous story” (Relatio, p. 186).

49 Its importance to the other side is shown in the references to it in a speech Aelred attributes to the Galwegians. They demanded that David grant them the right to form the front rank in the battle, even though they wore no armor. “What gain were their hauberks to the Gauls at Clitheroe? Did not these men unarmed, as they say, compel them to throw away their hauberks, to forget their helmets, to leave behind their shields? … We gained at Clitheroe the victory over mail-clad men …” (Relatio, p. 190; Anderson, Alan O., trans., Scottish Annals from English Chroniclers (London, 1908), pp. 198–99Google Scholar).

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55 We know of Walter's interest in historical stories. See Squire, , Aelred, p. 77Google Scholar.

56 Squire notes that, if anything, Aelred had motive to downplay these atrocities. He had, after all, grown up in David's court, and would want to portray his former royal patron in the best light (ibid., pp. 75–76).

57 Henry of Huntingdon, Historia Anglorum, pp. 256–57.

58 Ritchie, , Normans in Scotland, p. 266Google Scholar, explains this reference: “The ‘dancers,’ though not the ‘dancing-girls,’ may represent continuance of Irish custom in the Isles and in the West and South-West of Scotland. “The Irish were accustomed to take the field in fine clothes and fringed mantles and gay tunics and to be accompanied by poets, musicians, jugglers and jesters.’“ His quotation is from Hodgkin, R.H., A History of the Anglo-Saxons (Oxford, 1952), pp. 488–89Google Scholar.

59 Squire, , Aelred, p. 78Google Scholar: “If he does not actually report their very words, we may be confident that he makes them say what they would have wished to have said. In this way he has a great deal to tell us.”

60 Aelred, , Relatio, p. 194Google Scholar.

61 An excellent account may be found in Beeler, , Warfare in England, pp. 8693Google Scholar.