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⁷ Contemporary accounts include: Turnbull, Gordon, Revolt in Grenada (Edinburgh, 1795)Google Scholar; Wise, T T., A Review of the Insurrection (St. George’s, Grenada, 1795)Google Scholar; A Grenada Planter, Brief Enquiry into the Causes of the Insurrection (London, 1796); McMahon, Francis, Narrative of the Insurrection in Grenada (St. George’s, Grenada, 1823)Google Scholar; Hay, John, Narrative of the Insurrection (London, 1823).Google Scholar

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¹⁰ Craton, Testing the Chains, p. 141.

¹¹ Devine, T. M., “An Eighteenth-Century Business Elite: Glasgow-West India Merchants, c. 1750–1815,” Scottish Historical Review 57 (1978): 40–67.Google Scholar

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¹³ Ibid.

¹⁴ Scots Magazine 23 (1761): 614. Mitchell, J. O., The Old Country Houses of the Old Glasgow Gentry (Glasgow, 1878), pp. 209–14.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Campbell, Alexander, “Minutes of the Evidence taken before the Select Committee appointed for the Examination of Witnesses on the Slave Trade” (13 February 1790), Parliamentary Papers, 29 (1790): 134–35, 154.Google Scholar

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¹⁷ Higman uses the terms first phase, second phase, and third phase colonies to distinguish between the periods of development in the Caribbean (see Slave Populations, pp. 40–71). See also, Dunn, Sugar and Slaves and Sheridan, Sugar and Slavery.

¹⁸ Batte, Robert, “Why Sugar? Economic Cycles and the Changing of Staples on the English and French Antilles, 1624–54,” Journal of Caribbean History 8–9 (1976): 1–41Google Scholar; Zahedieh, Nuala, “The Merchants of Port Royal, Jamaica, and the Spanish Contraband Trade, 1655–1692,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 53, 4 (1986): 570–93; ‘“A Frugal, Prudential and Hopeful Trade’: Privateering in Jamaica, 1655–1692,” Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 18, 2 (1990): 145–68Google Scholar; “Trade, Plunder, and Economic Development in Early English Jamaica, 1655–89,” Economic History Review 39, 2 (1986): 205–22.

¹⁹ Hancock, Citizens of the World, pp. 143–71 and ‘“A World of Business to Do’: William Freeman and the Foundations of England’s Commercial Empire, 1645–1707,” WMQ, 3rd ser., 57, 1 (2002): 1, 3–34.

²⁰ This strategy had been frequently employed by planters in the older British West Indian colonies. See Bennett, J. H., “Cary Helyar, Merchant and Planter of Seventeenth Century Jamaica,” WMQ 3rd ser., 21 (1964): 53–76Google Scholar, “William Dampier, Buccaneer and Planter,” History Today 40 (1964): 113–23, “William Whales, Planter of Seventeenth-Century Jamaica,” Agricultural History 90 (1960): 113–23; Pares, Richard, A West India Fortune (New York, 1950).Google Scholar

²¹ “William Lushington and James Law Ledger,” Grenada Supreme Court Registry, St. George, Grenada, ff. 81–88 (hereafter cited as “Lushington & Law Ledger”).

²² ”The Will of Colin Campbell,” Perogatory Courts of Canterbury, Prob. 11/1099, ff. 35–37; “The Will of Archibald Campbell,” Bermudan Archives, Wll: 141.

²³ Paterson, Daniel, A Topographical Description of the Island of Grenada; Surveyed by Monsieur Pinel in 1763, by Order of Government with the addition of English Names, Alterations of Property, and other Improvements to the Present Time (London: 1780)Google Scholar; Byres, John, Plan of the Island of Tobago, Laid Down by Actual Survey under the Direction of the Honorable the Commissioners for the Sale of Lands in the Ceded Islands (London, 1776)Google Scholar; Byres, References to the Plan of the Island of St. Vincent, as Surveyed from the Year 1765 to 1773 (London, 1777); References to the Plan of the Island of Dominica, in PRO, CO 76/9.

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²⁹ ”Correspondence of Governor George Scott,” PRO, CO 101/9.

³⁰ Cox, Edward L., Free Coloreas in the Slave Societies of St. Kitts and Grenada, 1763–1833 (Knoxville, 1984), p. 14.Google Scholar

³¹ “Private Information of the Present State of the Island of Grenada and its Dependencies and of its value and importance to the crown of Great Britain, most humbly submitted to the consideration of His Majesty’s Ministers by the British Merchants,” 1788, PRO, CO 101/26, Miscellaneous.

³² PP, 29 (1790), p. 135.

³³ Cox, Free Coloreas, pp. 3–4.

³⁴ ”Lushington & Law Ledger,” ff. 100–01; “31 December 1772 Mortgage Indenture between Alexander Campbell, Henry Hope, John Harman and Jeremiah Harman,” Supreme Court Registry, St. George Grenada, Deeds L2, ff. 29–51 (hereafter cited as Grenada Deeds).

³⁵ Patterson, A Topographical Description.

³⁶ “State of the Island of Grenada, 1772” (in Governor Leybourne to [?], Aug. 10, 1772), PRO, CO 101/16.

³⁷ Shepherders, Verene and Marginality,” Social and Economic Studies 41, 2 (1991): 183–201Google Scholar; Sheridan, Sugar and Slavery, p. 176.

³⁸ Ibid.

³⁹ Craton, Searching for the Invisible Man, p. 2.

⁴⁰ Curtin, The Atlantic Slave Trade, pp. 62–72.

⁴¹ PP, 29 (1790), p. 136; Patterson, Topographical Description of the Island of Grenada; Curtin, The Atlantic Slave Trade, pp. 62–72.

⁴² ”State of the Island of Grenada, 1772,” PRO, CO 101/16.

⁴³ Ibid.

⁴⁴ Ibid.

⁴⁵ Ibid.

⁴⁶ Patterson, A Topographical Description.

⁴⁷ This was a common feature throughout the Caribbean as planters sought to generate the necessary investment capital through the production of smaller crops. See: Craton, Michael, Searching for the Invisible Man, p. 12.Google Scholar According to Cox these crops provided the basis of support for free colored populations, see Cox, Free Coloreas, p. 64.

⁴⁸ “Governor Melville’s Response to the Additional Heads of Enquiry,” PRO, CO 101/28.

⁴⁹ Among these cases between French and British colonists in Grenada are Herbert v. Scott and Rochará v. Campbell, see PRO, CO 101/25.

⁵⁰ Ragatz, Fall of the Planter Class, pp. 175–81.

⁵¹ Drescher, Econocide, pp. 60–64; Ward, British West Indian Slavery, pp. 38–60.

⁵² O’Shannesy, An Empire Divided: The American Revolution and the British Caribbean (Philadelphia, 2000).

⁵³ PP, 29 (1790), p. 138.

⁵⁴ ”Debates in Parliament,” The Gentleman’s Magazine (1773), pp. 204–11; Thomas, Paul, “The Caribs of St. Vincent: A Study in Imperial Maladministration, 1763–73,” Journal of Caribbean History 18, 2(1984): 60–73Google Scholar; Boucher, Philip, Cannibal Encounters (Baltimore, 1992)Google Scholar; Craton, Michael, “Planters, British Imperial Policy and the Black Caribs of St. Vincent,” in Craton, Empire, Enslavement and Freedom in the Caribbean (Princeton, 1997); PP, 29 (1790), p. 158.Google Scholar Duncan Campbell was a prominent planter with properties in St. Vincent, Tobago, and Dominica. He served in the St. Vincent Assembly in the 1780s and 1790s. See “The Will of Duncan Campbell,” in Oliver, Vere L., ed., Caribbeana: Being Miscellaneous Papers Relating to the History, Geneaology, Topography, and Antiquities of the British West Indies 5 vols. (London, 1902-19), 2: 354Google Scholar and Scots Magazine 41 (1779): 89.

⁵⁵ O’Shannessy, An Empire Divided, pp. 185–210.

⁵⁶ Ragatz, Fall of the Planter Class, pp. 127–28; O’Shaughnessy, An Empire Divided, pp. 131–32. Curious for its omission of Campbell v. Hall is Oldham’s, James The Mansfield Manuscripts and the Growth of English Law in the Eighteenth Century (Chapel Hill, 1992).Google Scholar

⁵⁷ “16 October 1772 lease agreement between Alexander Campbell and John Aitcheson,” Grenada Deeds W2, f. 121; “21 July 1773 Purchase Agreement between Alexander Campbell and John Aitcheson, Sr.” Grenada Deeds R2, 504–08.

⁵⁸ ”22 May 1772 Purchase Agreement between Alexander Campbell and Hugh Dalrymple and John Dumaresq,” Grenada Deeds E2/1772, ff. 490–93, ff. 508–14; “18 May 1772 Purchase Agreement between Alexander Campbell and Hugh Dalrymple,” Grenada Deeds M2/1773, ff. 81–95.

⁵⁹ “3 January 1777 Purchase Agreement between James Cockburn and Alexander Campbell,” Grenada Deeds A3, ff. 485–511.

⁶⁰ “Lushington & Law Ledger,” ff. 48–51.

⁶¹ “16 October 1772 lease agreement between Alexander Campbell and John Aitcheson,” Grenada Deeds W.2, f. 121.

⁶² ”State of the Island of Grenada, 1772,” PRO, CO 101/16.

⁶³ PP, 29 (1790), pp. 138–39.

⁶⁴ Ibid. In addition, Ward describes the encroachment of planters on slave provision grounds (British West Indian Slavery, p. 19). See also Higman Slave Populations, pp. 210–12.

⁶⁵ PP, 29 (1790), pp. 156–59.

⁶⁶ “13 July 1787 Lease and Mortgage between Alexander Campbell, Thomas Campbell and John Campbell, Sr.,” Supreme Court Registry, Kingstown, St. Vincent Deeds 1787, fF. 224–27 (hereafter cited as St. Vincent Deeds); “13 December 1790 Mortgage between Alexander Campbell, John Campbell, Thomas Campbell, William Lushington and James Law,” St. Vincent Deeds 1791, ff.1-32.

⁶⁷ “Lushington & Law Ledger,” ff. 40–51.

⁶⁸ Young, William, West-Indian Common-Place Book: Compiled from Parliamentary and Official Documents; Showing the Interests of Great Britain in the Sugar Colonies (London, 1807), pp. 28–32.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ “Lord MacCarntney’s Description of the defenses of the Grenadines,” 22 July 1778, PRO, CO 101/22, f. 70.

⁷⁰ “21 July 1773 Lease between John Aitcheson and Alexander Campbell,” Grenada Deeds R: 2, ff. 504–08.

⁷¹ “13 December 1790 Mortgage between Alexander Campbell, John Campbell, Thomas Campbell, William Lushington and James Law,” St. Vincent Deeds 1791, ff. 1–3.

⁷² For Duncan Campbell see above, n. 54. James Campbell held estates in Grenada, Tobago, Dominica, and St. Vincent, and served in the assemblies of Grenada and Tobago for much of the 1760s and 1770s, and later in the Councils of both colonies (Scots Magazine 59 (1797): 78. Thomas Campbell was a merchant in St. George and served on the Council of Grenada during the 1790s before dying in Demerara in 1795 (Scots Magazine 57 (1795): 480.

⁷³ “Alexander Houston Papers,” National Scottish Archives, ff. 201, 317.

⁷⁴ Ward, British West Indian Slaveryp. 43.

⁷⁵ “Lushington & Law Ledger.”

⁷⁶ Anstey, Roger, “Religion and British Slave Emancipation,” in Eltis, David and Walvin, James, The Abolition of the Atlantic Slave Trade (Madison, 1982), pp. 37–62.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ PP, 29 (1790), pp. 163–66.

⁷⁸ Ibid, p.138.

⁷⁹ Oldfield, J. R., Popular Politics and British Anti-Slavery: The Mobilization of Public Opinion against the Slave Trade, 1787–1807 (Manchester, 1995), pp. 155–79.Google Scholar Honour, Hugh, The Image of the Black in Western Art, vol. 4, pt. 1 (Houston, 1992), pp. 65–68.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Campbell’s defense of the plantation system is part of a protracted historical debate. Lowell Ragatz saw the plantation system in decline after 1763. Eric Williams argued that abolition itself occurred because of Britain’s industrial interests. Seymour Drescher contends that slavery and the West Indian system were just as profitable at the end of the Eighteenth and early nineteenth century as it had been at the beginning of the eighteenth century. For the latest summary of the debate see: Drescher, Seymour, “The Decline Thesis of British Slavery since Econocide” in From Slavery to Freedom: Comparative Studies in the Rise and Fall of Atlantic Slavery (New York, 1999).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁸¹ PP, 29 (1790), p. 163.

⁸² Ibid.

⁸³ Young, William, West-Indian Common-Place Book (London, 1805).Google Scholar

⁸⁴ PP, 29 (1790), p. 156.

⁸⁵ Series of Paintings of Alexander Campbell and Ninian Home at Paraclete, in Benjamin, John, A Short History of Grenada (St. George’s, c. 1980).Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Jeffreys, A Survey of the Island of Grenada Commissioned by Lieutenant General George Scott, and Patterson, A New Survey of the Island of Grenada.

⁸⁷ “Agreement between Alexander Campbell of St. Andrew Parish, Grenada, John Campbell, Sr. of Glasgow, and Thomas Campbell of St. George’s, Grenada, 30 November 1787” St. Vincent Deeds 1787, ff. 227–47. See also: Slade, H. G., Proceedings of the Society for Antiquities, Scotland 114 (1984): 497.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ ‘Lushington & Law Ledger.”

⁸⁹ ”13 December 1790 Mortgage between Alexander Campbell, John Campbell, Thomas Campbell, William Lushington and James Law,” St. Vincent Deeds 1791, ff. 1–32.

⁹⁰ Hancock, Citizens of the World, pp. 10–14.

⁹¹ Patterson, A Topographical Description; “An Account of Sugar, Rum, Molasses, Cotton, Coffee, Cocoa and Indigo made in the Island of Grenada, 1792,” PRO, CO 101/33.

⁹² Ibid.

⁹³ Ibid.

⁹⁴ Ibid.

⁹⁵ Gaspar, David Barry and Geggus, David Patrick, A Turbulent Time: The French Revolution and the Greater Caribbean (Bloomington, 1997)Google Scholar; Craton, Michael, Testing the Chains (Ithaca, 1982).Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Gaspar, Barry, Bondsmen and Rebels: A Study of Master-Slave Relations in Antigua (with implications for Colonial British America) (Baltimore, 1982)Google Scholar; Beckles, Hilary, “Caribbean Anti-Slavery: The Self-Liberation Ethos of Enslaved Blacks,” Journal of Caribbean History 22 (1988):l–6Google Scholar; Beckles, “The 200 Years War; Slave Resistance in the British West Indies: An Overview of the Historiography,” Jamaican Historical Review (1982) 13: 1–10; Craton, Michael, “The Passion to Exist: Slave Rebellion in the British West Indies, 1650–1832,” Journal of Caribbean History (1980) 13:1.Google Scholar

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⁹⁸ Henry Dundas to Samuel Williams, 2 January 1793, PRO, CO 101/33.

⁹⁹ In 1793 James Campbell claimed that he had spent the years between 1763 and 1791 in residence in the West Indies (Letter to Henry Dundas, 7 December 1793 PRO, CO 101/33, Miscellaneous). James Campbell returned to Grenada in 1796 after the death of Alexander Campbell and continued his residence in the West Indies until his death at Argyle, Tobago in 1805. At the time of his death he was President of the Council of Tobago (Scots Magazine 68 (1806): 78.

¹⁰⁰ Samuel Williams to Henry Dundas, 10 November 1792, PRO, CO 101/33.

¹⁰¹ Cox, Free Coloreas, p. 14.

¹⁰² Ninian Home to Henry Dundas, 15 February 1793, PRO, CO 101/33.

¹⁰³ In his letter to Henry Dundas James Campbell claimed to have been resident in the West Indies since 1763. Yet he left the Ceded Islands on many occasions, including a trip to Bermuda for his health. During the 1790s there was a high rate of absenteeism in Grenada as planters and merchants increasingly left the island to pursue opportunities in Dominica or even foreign Caribbean territories (PRO, CO 101/33, Miscellaneous).

¹⁰⁴ Ninian Home to Henry Dundas, 2 May 1793 and 16 July 1793. PRO, CO 101/33.

¹⁰⁵ Kenneth Francis McKenzie to Henry Dundas, 28 March 1795, PRO, CO 101/34.

¹⁰⁶ “Alexander Campbell and Lushington & Law, 1792,“ Grenada Wills E2, 601–09,” Alexander Campbell and Lushington & Law, 1799–1800," Grenada Deeds H2, 434–38. See also PRO, CO 101/35, Miscellaneous, which contains several petitions from planters who claimed considerable losses.