¹ Russell, William Howard, William Howard Russell’s Civil War: Private Diary and Letters, 1861-1862, ed. Crawford, Martin (Athens, GA, 1992), p. 155.Google Scholar

² Interestingly enough, the Standard asked, “Is it, then, that Mr. John Bright…feels himself to be not an Englishman, but in heart and mind a Yankee? That we might believe.” The more liberal Spectator thought Bright sounded “like a Yankee defending Yankees.” Standard, 2 November 1864, p. 4; Spectator, 7 December 1861, p. 1332.

³ This view argues the Emancipation Proclamation led to a great pro-Northern swing in English opinion. See Adams, Ephraim Douglass, Great Britain and the American Civil War, 2 vols. (New York, 1925)Google Scholar; Crook, D. P., The North, the South, and the Powers (New York, 1974)Google Scholar; Jenkins, Brian, Britain and the War for the Union, 2 vols. (Montreal, 1974—1989)Google Scholar; Jones, Howard, Union in Peril: The Crisis over British Intervention in the Civil War (Chapel Hill, 1993)Google Scholar; Berwanger, E. H., The British Foreign Service and the American Civil War (Lexington, KY, 1994)Google Scholar; May, Robert D., ed., The Union, the Confederacy, and the Atlantic Rim (West Lafayette, IN, 1995).Google Scholar

⁴ For examples of the arguments employed by those who have asserted that Radicalism and labor forged an alliance during the Civil War see, Foner, Philip, British Labor and the American Civil War (New York, 1981)Google Scholar and Biagini, Eugenio, Liberty, Retrenchment and Reform: Popular Liberalism in the Age of Gladstone, 1860-1880 (New York, 1992), p. 72Google Scholar. For a different view of the matter, see Vincent, John, The Formation of the British Liberal Party (New York, 1966)Google Scholar; Jenkins, T. A., The Liberal Ascendancy, 1830-1886 (New York, 1994), p. 95.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵ For recent discussions of this development, see Biagini, Liberty, Retrenchment and Reform; Jenkins, The Liberal Ascendancy, Steele, E. D., Palmerston and Liberalism, 1855-1865 (New York, 1991)Google Scholar; Sykes, Alan, The Rise and Fall of British Liberalism, 1776 -1988 (New York, 1997).Google Scholar

⁶ See the discussion of removable inequalities in Best, Geoffrey, Mid-Victorian Britain, 1851-1878 (New York, 1972), pp. 233–38.Google Scholar

⁷ Lytton, Edward Bulwer, England and the English (Paris, 1833), p. 353Google Scholar. See also Houghton, Walter, The Victorian Frame of Mind, 1830-1870 (New Haven, CT, 1985), pp. 54–58.Google Scholar

⁸ Although Tocqueville participated in the first English translation of this work, Reeves made Toc-queville’s criticisms of democracy seem less forgiving. See Crook, David Paul, American Democracy in English Politics 1815-1850 (Oxford, 1965).Google Scholar

⁹ Popular works of this sort included Thomas Hamilton’s Men and Manners in America (1833), Charles Dickens’ American Notes (1842), James Silk Buckingham’s Eastern and Western States of America (1842), Frederick Marryat’s A Diary in America (1842), Alexander Mackay’s The Western World (1848), and Thomas Colley Grattan’s Civilized America (1859).

¹⁰ Shain, Charles, “The English Novelists and the American Civil War,” American Quarterly 14 (Fall 1962): 404.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹¹ Gladstone is a good example of those who could never commit to one side or the other. See Matthew, H. C. G., Gladstone 1809-1898 (Oxford, 1997), pp. 140, 189–90.Google Scholar

¹² Wiener, Martin, English Culture and the Decline of the Industrial Spirit 1850-1980 (New York, 1986), p. 89.Google Scholar

¹³ Stanley, Edward Henry (15th Earl of Derby), Disraeli, Derby and the Conservative Party: Journals and Memoirs of Edward Henry, Lord Stanley 1849-1869 (Hassocks, 1978), p. 179.Google Scholar

¹⁴ For the term “semi-Liberals,” see the Spectator, 14 September 1861, p. 999; 28 January 1865, p. 88; and 17 August 1865, p. 885. For Peelite and Whig fears of Americanization, see SirMaxwell, Herbert, Life and Letters of the Fourth Earl of Clarendon, 2 vols. (London, 1913), 2: 167, 173.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Palmerston to Russell, 28 October 1862, Russell Papers, PRO 30/22/14D.

¹⁶ Smith, Goldwin, A Letter to a Whig Member of the Southern Independence Association (London, 1864), p. 23.Google Scholar

¹⁷ For descriptions of the Americanizers’ constituency, see Godkin, E. L., The Life and Letters of Edwin Lawrence Godkin, ed. Ogden, Rollo, 2 vols. (New York, 1907), 1: 202Google Scholar; Jones, Ernest, The Slaveholder’s War: A Lecture Delivered in the Town Hall, Ashton-Under-Lyne (Ashton-under-Lyne, 1863), p. 11Google Scholar; Bolt, Christine, “British Attitudes to Reconstruction in the United States, 1863-1877” (University of London, D. Phil, 1966), p. 9Google Scholar. Its most conspicuous members consisted of people like John Bright, Richard Cobden, John Stuart Mill, J. E. Cairnes, Goldwin Smith, Thomas Potter, Henry Ashworth, Ernest Jones, Francis Newman, Thomas Hughes, Newman Hall, Edward Dicey, Leslie Stephen. Only the more radical sections of the press showed any sympathy for the Americanizers: the Daily News, Spectator, MacMillan’s Magazine, and Westminster Review.

¹⁸ Shain, “The English Novelists,” p. 402.

¹⁹ For contemporary comments, see Arnold, Matthew, Democratic Education (Ann Arbor, 1962), p. 19Google Scholar; Saturday Review, 29 October 1864, vol. 18, pp. 530-31. For later observations concerning mid-Victorian anxiety, see Houghton, The Victorian Frame of Mind, pp. 54-58; Burn, W. L., The Age of Equipoise (London, 1968), pp. 67, 82.Google Scholar

²⁰ The Times, the Standard, the Daily Telegraph, The Economist, the Saturday Review, Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine, the Edinburgh Review, Fraser’s Magazine, the Quarterly Review, and the National Review all displayed varying degrees of hostility to Americanization.

²¹ [William Rathbone Greg], “Three Men and Three Eras: Washington, Jackson, Buchanan,” National Review 12 (April 1861): 499-500.

²² See the Standard, 2 April 1861, p. 4.

²³ For a typical commentary on the Federal government’s handling of the Fort Sumter episode, see the Standard, 30 April 1861, p. 4. Earl Russell’s reaction to the Northern defeat at Bull Run proved common: “the defeat of Manasas or Bull’s Run seems to me to show a great want of zeal for I cannot believe the descendants of 1776 & indeed of 1815 to be totally wanting in courage.” Russell to Lyons, 16 August 1861, Russell Papers, PRO 30/22/96. Compiled by William Howard Russell, a list of the Federal government’s violations of civil liberties included: “confiscation, martial law, suspension of habeas corpus, coercion of judges, the overthrow of the courts of law, abrogation of trial by jury, paper money, forced contracts, and conscription, and lettres de cachet.” Army and Navy Gazette, 9 August 1862, p. 501. For analysis of the shift in the British press, see the Standard, 2 April 1861, p. 4; Daily Telegraph, 5 July 1861, p. 4 and 9 September 1861, p. 4; Army and Navy Gazette, 26 July 1862, p. 468.

²⁴ For an example of British disappointment concerning slavery, see Daily Telegraph, 6 December 1861, p. 4. For a typical reaction to the Trent affair, see the Saturday Review, 30 November 1861, p. 550.

²⁵ For English perceptions of mob rule in the North, see Russell to Lyons, 26 October 1861, Russell Papers, PRO 30/22/36; Saturday Review, 7 December 1861, p. 572.

²⁶ For instance, in his popular Letters from the Slave States, James Stirling stated, “The American Government is one half democratic, one half aristocratic. There is a bonâ-fide Democracy in the North, founded on a material equality of condition; but the South is a downright Oligarchy.” Stirling, Letters from the Slave States (London, 1857), p. 60.

²⁷ See Jenkins, Brian, “William Gregory: Champion of the Confederacy,” History Today 28 (May 1978), pp. 322–25Google Scholar; Gregory, William, An Autobiography (London, 1894), pp. 185–200Google Scholar; SirFergusson, James, Notes of a Tour in North America in 1861 (Edinburgh, 1861)Google Scholar; [Sir James Fergusson], “Some Accounts of Both Sides of the American War,” Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine 90 (December 1861); 768-79.

²⁸ See [ Hamley, Edward Bruce], “Trollope’s North America,” Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine 92 (September 1862): 386–87.Google Scholar

²⁹ Lyons to Russell, 28 October 1861, Russell Papers, PRO 30/22/35.

³⁰ MThe Times, 9 October 1861, p. 6.

³¹ For contemporary comment, see [Seymour, Edward Adolphus], “Ten Days in Richmond,” Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine 92 (October 1862): 396Google Scholar. See also Jones, Howard, Union in Peril: The Crisis over British Intervention in the Civil War (Chapel Hill, 1992), p. 127Google Scholar and Vanauken, Sheldon, The Glittering Illusion: English Sympathy for the Southern Confederacy (Washington, DC, 1989), p. 41–42.Google Scholar

³² Blanc, Louis, Letters on England, 2nd Ser., 2 vols. (London, 1866), 1st Ser., 1: 287.Google Scholar

³³ For comments representing such infatuation, see Hammond to Layard, 17 August 1862, Layard Papers, British Library, Add. Mss. 38,951; Stuart to Russell, 26 October 1862, Russell Papers, PRO 30/22/36.

³⁴ To counter this onslaught, the Americanizers could only rely on a few newspapers and journals, such as the Daily News, the Morning Star, and the Spectator. Louis Blanc, Letters on England, 2nd. Ser, 2 vols. (London, 1866), 2nd Ser., 1: 120 and Ibid., 1st Ser., 2: 306.

³⁵ [Stephen, J. F.], “England and America,” Fraser’s Magazine 68 (October 1863): 424.Google Scholar

³⁶ For the operation of the English press in the mid-Victorian era, see Brown, Lucy, Victorian News and Newspapers (New York, 1985)Google Scholar; Koss, Stephen, The Rise and Fall of the Political Press in Britain, Vol. 1 (Chapel Hill, 1981)Google Scholar, Lee, Alan, The Origins of the Popular Press in England 1855-1914 (Totowa, NJ, 1981).Google Scholar

³⁷ Houghton, Walter, “Periodical Literature and the Articulate Classes,” in The Victorian Periodical Press: Samplings and Soundings, eds. Shattock, Joanne and Wolff, Michael (Buffalo, 1982), p. 7Google Scholar. See also Lee, Origins of the Popular Press, p. 76.

³⁸ In a letter to Charles Mackay, The Times’ New York correspondent, Morris outlined editorial policy concerning foreign correspondence. John Delane, the editor, determined what would go into the paper or not, basing his decision on whether the correspondence was good enough and important enough. Morris to Mackay, 4 September 1863, The Times Archive, Morris Letterbooks, Box 12.

³⁹ In such a manner, pieces by Robert Bourke, Sir James Fergusson, Lieutenant Colonel Arthur James Lyon Fremanfle, Edward St. Maur, and Lieutenant Colonel Garnet Wolseley appeared as articles in his magazine. He also published a long series of articles by Fitzgerald Ross and Heros von Borcke. Fremantle, Ross, and Borcke eventually wrote books about their experiences for Blackwood as well. Blackwood also probably published Sir James Fergusson’s Notes of a Tour in North America (Edinburgh, 1861) which was printed for private circulation. August 1862 found Blackwood anxiously asking Robert Bourke, “Do you hear of any Englishman coming home who has been among them [the Confederates] [?]” Blackwood to Bourke, 6 August 1862, Blackwood Papers, National Library of Scotland, MS 30,360.

⁴⁰ See Sala, George, The Life and Adventures of George Augustus Sala, 2 vols. (New York, 1895), 2: 19.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Lawley to Hartington, 14 June 1863, Devonshire Collections, Chatsworth, 340.199.

⁴² Morris to Lawley, 24 September 1863, The Times Archive, Morris Letter Books, Box 12.

⁴³ Indeed, John Walter (the proprietor), John Delane (the editor), and Mowbray Morris (the business manager) all despised the North. See The Tradition Established 1841-1884, vol. 2 of The History of The Times (London, 1939), pp. 365-66. See also Brown, Victorian News and Newspapers, pp. 87-88.

⁴⁴ Burnham, Lord, Peterborough Court: The Story of the Daily Telegraph (London, 1955), p. 163.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Not only did the Morning Herald and the Standard share the same proprietor (James Johnstone), they had the same editor-in-chief (Thomas Hamber). Most of the big press empires—including those of William Blackwood & Sons, the MacMillans, Richard Bentley, and John Murray—published both periodicals and books.

⁴⁶ When he went to the United States, Edward Dicey served simultaneously as the correspondent for MacMillan’s Magazine (a monthly) and the Spectator (a weekly). Between 1860 and 1865, George Sala founded (as well as edited and owned) the monthly Temple Bar, produced leaders for the Daily Telegraph, served as that newspaper’s American correspondent, and wrote a book about his Civil War experiences (published by Tinsley Brothers).

⁴⁷ Oliphant, Margaret (Wilson), Annals of a Publishing House: William Blackwood and His Sons, Their Magazine and Friends, 3 vols (Edinburgh, 1897), 2: 469.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Blackwood to Delane, 31 December 1862, Blackwood Papers, National Library of Scotland, MS 30,360.

⁴⁹ Wolseley, Field-Marshal Viscount, The Story of a Soldier’s Life, 2 vols. (Westminster, 1903), 2: 128.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Denby, Edwin and White, Harry Kidder, ed., Official Records of the Union and Confederate Navies in the War of the Rebellion, 2nd ser., 3 vols. (Washington, 1922), 3: 346.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Ibid., 3:535, 710.

⁵² Ibid., 3:346, 400.

⁵³ The Times paid Spence to write a number of influential letters about the war before offering him a position as its New York correspondent in January 1862 (Spence declined). John Blackwood also offered space in his magazine for articles by Spence on several occasions. See Morris to Spence, 9 January 1862 and 22 August 1862, The Times Archive, Morris Letter Books, Box 11; Blackwood to Spence, 3 December 1862, Blackwood Papers, National Library of Scotland, MS 30,360.

⁵⁴ See Fremantle to Blackwood, 3 October 1863, Blackwood Papers, National Library of Scotland, MS 4180.

⁵⁵ Lawrence, George Alfred, Border and Bastille (New York, 1863), pp. v–ix, 130–66, 215–16.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ I refer to those who put their experiences in print: Robert Bourke (son of the Earl of Mayo), Edward Seymour (son of the twelfth Duke of Somerset, First Lord of the Admirality, 1859-1866), Frank Lawley (The Times’ Southern correspondent and son of Baron Wenlock), Sir James Fergusson (M.P. and former army officer), Lieutenant Colonel Henry Charles Fletcher (Scots Guards), Lieutenant Colonel Arthur James Lyon Fremantle (Scots Guards), Lieutenant Colonel Garnet Wolseley (Assistant Quartermaster-General in British North America, later Commander-in-Chief of the British Army), Fitzgerald Ross (a gentleman of independent means serving as a captain in the Austrian cavalry), the Reverend William Wyndham Malet (the High Anglican brother of Sir Alexander Malet, H.M.’s ambassador to Frankfort, uncle of Sir Edward Malet, second secretary at the American legation, and uncle of Lieutenant Colonel Henry Charles Eden Malet of the Scots Guards), Reverend T. D. Ozanne (an Anglican rector), William Howard Russell {The Times’ American correspondent) Samuel Phillips Day (The Standard’ s Southern correspondent), and Frank Vizetelly (the Illustrated London News’s Southern correspondent).

⁵⁷ Jenkins, Brian, “Frank Lawley and the Confederacy,” Civil War History 23 (1977): 144–60.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵⁸ Morris to Lawley, 2 December 1863, Morris Letterbooks, The Times Archives, Box 12. See also The Times, 4 November 1862, p. 8.

⁵⁹ Berwanger, Eugene, The British Foreign Service and the American Civil War (Lexington, 1994), pp. 129–42.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ On the difficulties of mantaining any sort of objectivity in the South, see Illustrated London News, 6 July 1861, vol. 39, p. 22 and Hobart-Hampden, Augustus Charles, Sketches from My Life (New York, 1887), p. 165.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Harrington to 7th Duke of Devonshire, 21 January 1863, Devonshire Collections, 340.184.

⁶² Hobart-Hampden, Sketches from My Life, p. 127.

⁶³ [Fletcher, Lieutenant-Colonel Henry Charles], “A Run Through the Southern States,” Cornhill Magazine 7 (April 1863), p. 507.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ In his public correspondence for The Times, Lawley refused to consider the possibility of Southern defeat until 1865. Privately he felt quite differently. In June 1863 letters to William Gregory and Lord Hartington, Lawley not only admitted he had misrepresented the fighting qualities of Northerners, but conceded the South “was labouring amidst heavy seas.” He further conceded that if Vicksburg (the South’s last major strong point on the Mississippi River) fell, the Confederacy’s “fortunes will be zero.” Vicksburg surrendered three weeks later on July 4, 1863. See Jenkins, “William Gregory,” p. 33; Lawley to Hartington, 14 June 1863, Devonshire Collections, 340.199.

⁶⁵ Fremantle to Blackwood, 3 October 1863, Blackwood Papers, National Library of Scotland, MS 4180.

⁶⁶ For English ignorance of the South, see Crawford, Martin, The Anglo-American Crisis of the Mid-Nineteenth Century: The Times and America, 1850-1862 (Athens, GA, 1987), pp. 13–14.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ The Times, 16 September 1862, p. 6 and Saturday Review, 6 July 1862, p. 267.

⁶⁸ Although Gladstone was no egalitarian, many persisted in seeing him as an Americanizer. See, for example, [Cecil, Robert], “Democracy on Its Trial,” Quarterly Review 110 (July 1861), pp. 283–85.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Houghton, The Victorian Frame of Mind, pp. 1-23.

⁷⁰ For discussions of romantic medievalism and the Gothic revival, see Girouard, Mark, The Return to Camelot: Chivalry and the English Gentleman (New Haven, 1981)Google Scholar; History and Community: Essays in Victorian Medievalism, ed. Florence S. Boos (New York, 1992); Strong, Roy, Recreating the Past: British History and the Victorian Painter (London, 1978).Google Scholar

⁷¹ Industrialists also used these ideas. See Roberts, David, Paternalism in Early Victorian England (New Brunswick, 1979), pp. 171–83Google Scholar and Delheim, Charles, “Interpreting Victorian Medievalism,” History and Community: Essays in Victorian Medievalism, ed. Boos, Florence S. (New York, 1992), pp. 39–55.Google Scholar

⁷² See Roberts, Paternalism in Early Victorian England, pp. 2-6.

⁷³ See MacDougall, Hugh, The Racial Myth in English History: Trojans, Teutons, and Anglo-Saxons (Hanover, 1982), pp. 32–91Google Scholar. For a discussion of how racial Anglo-Saxonism could also legitimate more democratic values, see the discussion of Edward Freeman’s views in Burrow, J. W., A Liberal Descent (New York, 1981), pp. 155–73, 188–92.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷⁴ Horsmen, Reginald, “Origins of Racial Anglo-Saxonism in Great Britain Before 1850,” Journal of the History of Ideas 37 (July-September 1976): 399.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ For the fundamental assumptions of racial Anglo-Saxonism, see Curtis, L. P., Anglo-Saxons and Celts: A Study of Anti-Irish Prejudices in Victorian England, 2 vols. (Bridgeport, 1968), 2: 11–12.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ See Castronovo, David, The English Gentleman: Images and Ideals in Literature and Society (New York, 1987), pp. 48–62Google Scholar; Mason, Philip, The English Gentleman: The Rise and Fall of an Ideal (New York, 1982), pp. 162–70Google Scholar; Gilmour, Robin, The Idea of the Gentleman in the Victorian Novel (Boston, 1981), pp. 92–96Google Scholar; Best, Mid-Victorian Britain, pp. 245-56.

⁷⁷ See Bush, M. L., The English Aristocracy: A Comparative Synthesis (Manchester, 1984), p. 77Google Scholar. For other views, see also Wiener, English Culture, pp. 7-16; Morgan, Marjorie, Manners, Morals and Class in England, 1774-1858 (New York, 1994), pp. 3–6, 119–22, 147.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷⁸ See Thompson, F. M. L., English Landed Society in the Nineteenth Century (Toronto, 1971), p. 121–23Google Scholar; Lorimer, Douglas, Colour, Class and the Victorians (New York, 1978), p. 112Google Scholar; Castronovo, The English Gentleman, p. 41; Gilmour, The Idea of the Gentleman, pp. 85, 92-93.

⁷⁹ Gilmour, The Idea of the Gentleman, pp. 98, 166.

⁸⁰ The Times, 6 December 1861, p. 6; Daily Telegraph, 9 December 1861, p. 4. See also the Standard, 17 April 1865, p. 4.

⁸¹ For example, see [SirWolseley, Garnet], “A Month’s Visit to the Confederate Headquarters,” Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine 93 (January, 1863): 25Google Scholar. For a thorough treatment of this idea, see Day, Samuel Phillips, Down South, or an Englishman’s Experience at the Seat of the American War, 2 vols. (London, 1862), 1: 177, 188–89.Google Scholar

⁸² Marquess, of Lothian, The Confederate Secession (Edinburgh, 1864), p. 174Google Scholar. For a variation of this argument, see Ozanne, T. D., The South as It Is, or Twenty-One Years’ Experience in the Southern States of America (London, 1863), pp. 54, 69.Google Scholar

⁸³ Reverend Malet, William Wyndham, An Errand to the South in the Summer of 1862 (London, 1863), p. 211.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ For a classic statement relating blood to institutions, see Fletcher, Lieutenant Colonel Henry Charles, History of the American War, 3 vols. (London, 1865), 1: 9.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ See [Caffey, Thomas], Battle-fields of the South, from Bull Run to Fredericksburg; With Sketches of Confederate Commanders, and Gossip of the Camps, 2 vols. (London, 1863), 1: 297.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ The Times, 28 May 1861, p. 9; Russell, William Howard, My Diary North and South (Boston, 1863), p. 131.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Fergusson, Notes of a Tour, p. 28.

⁸⁸ [Bourke, Robert], “A Month with the ‘Rebels’,” Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine 90 (December 1861): 764.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Fletcher, Lieutenant Colonel Henry Charles, History of the American War, 2: 161Google Scholar; CaptainChesney, Charles Cornwallis, A Military View of Recent Campaigns in Virginia and Maryland (London, 1863), p. 146.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Fremantle, Lieutenant Colonel Arthur James Lyon, Three Months in the Southern States, April-June, 1863 (Lincoln, NE, 1991), p. 201Google Scholar. See also [Fergusson, ], “Some Accounts of Both Sides of the American War,” p. 778; Standard, 28 December 1861, p. 4.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Hartington to 7th Duke of Devonshire, 21 January 1863, Devonshire Collections, 340.18.

⁹² Fremantle, Three Months in the Southern States, p. 143. See also Lord Harrington’s speech to his constituents in The Times, 26 March 1863, p. 7.

⁹³ Daily Telegraph, 5 November 1862, p. 4; The Times, 27 December 1862, p. 7.

⁹⁴ See [Fletcher], “A Run Through the Southern States,” p. 515.

⁹⁵ Bagehot, , The English Constitution (Ithaca, 1981), p. 61Google Scholar. For example, Corsan, W. C., a visiting English merchant, reported that the regard Southerners had for their statesmen and generals “almost amounted to idolatry.” [Corsan, ], Two Months in the Confederate States, Including a Visit to New Orleans Under the Domination of General Butler (London, 1863), p 206.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ [Wolseley,] “A Month’s Visit to the Confederate Headquarters,” p. 18. For like-minded views of Lee, see Fremantle, , Three Months in the Southern States, p. 248Google Scholar and Lawley, Frank in The Times, 30 December 1863, p. 7.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Augustus Charles Hobart-Hampden wrote that Jefferson Davis “gave one the idea of a thorough gentleman.” Fremantle agreed, claiming Davis “looked what he evidently is, a well-bred gentleman.” Hobart-Hampden, Sketches from My Life, p. 166; Fremantle, Three Months in the Southern States, p. 211.

⁹⁸ See Saturday Review, 30 May 1863, pp 689-90.

⁹⁹ [Corsan], Two Months in the Confederate States, p. 130.

¹⁰⁰ The Times, 10 September 1861, p. 8. Lieutenant Colonel Henry Malet put it more bluntly when he wrote that in the Southern army, “the Regimental Officers are mostly men of Known families in the districts from whence the regiment is raised and the ‘mean whites’ look up to and obey the sons of the Great Planters.” Malet to Layard, 27 December 1862, Layard Papers, British Library, Add. Mss. 39,104.

¹⁰¹ See Saturday Review, 20 September 1862, p. 338, and 29 June 1861, p. 654. See also Lothian, Confederate Secession, pp. 113-15.

¹⁰² When Cecil employed the expression “constitution,” he meant not a formal political arrangement, but an informal social one. [Cecil], “The Confederate Struggle and Recognition,” p. 554-55. See also Chesney, A Military View of Recent Campaigns, p. 17.

¹⁰³ The Times, 4 November 1862, p. 9.

¹⁰⁴ For English attempts to claim that the ends (a successful and stable Confederate society) justified the means (slavery), see The Times, 30 December 1862, p. 9 and Lothian, Confederate Secession, p. 165.

¹⁰⁵ For a contemporary discussion of the factors behind this change, see the Saturday Review, 18 January 1862, p. 62.

¹⁰⁶ In particular, see the discussion of Chartism and Henry Mayhew’s work on the poor in Himmelfarb, Gertrude, The Idea of Poverty: England in the Early Industrial Age (New York, 1985), pp. 253–69, 323–56Google Scholar. See also Thompson, Dorothy, The Chartists: Popular Politics in the Industrial Revolution (New York, 1984), pp. 237–70.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ For discussion of these phenomena, see Lorimer, Douglas, “Race, Science, and Culture: Historical Continuities and Discontinuities, 1850-1914,” in The Victorians and Race, ed. West, Shearer (Brook-field, VT, 1996), p. 23Google Scholar and Lorimer, Douglas, Colour, Class, and the Victorians (New York, 1978), pp. 92–114, 119–29.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ Carlyle, Thomas, “Occasional Discourse on the Nigger Question,” Critical and Miscellaneous Essays, Vol.. 4 of The Works of Thomas Carlyle in Thirty Volumes (London, 1900), p. 371.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ Ibid., pp. 354-59.

¹¹⁰ Ibid., p. 373.

¹¹¹ Ibid., pp. 349, 381.

¹¹² Ibid., p. 360.

¹¹³ Mitchell, D. W., Ten Years Residence in the United States (London, 1863), p. 246.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Ozanne, The South as It Is, pp. 22-23, 74, 158. For a romantic comparison of slavery to a Waverley-like image of Scottish clans, see also Ross, Fitzgerald, Cities and Camps of the Confederate States (Urbana, 1958), p. 84.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ Ozanne, The South as It Is, pp. 23-24 and Spence, James, The American Union; Its Effect on National Character and Policy, With an Inquiry into Secession as a Constitutional Right, and the Causes of the Disruption (London, 1862), p. 122.Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ Day, Down South, 1:19. See also Sala, My Diary in America, 1:38 and Mitchell, Ten Years Residence, p. 230.

¹¹⁷ See Mitchell, Ten Years Residence, p. 61.

¹¹⁸ Malet, An Errand to the South, p. 155. Wolseley wrote “the word slave…is never used by Southerners in alluding to them; that of servant being substituted universally.” Wolseley, “A Month’s Visit,” p. 11.

¹¹⁹ Lempriere, Charles, The American Crisis Considered (London, 1861), p. 49Google Scholar. Carlyle himself described the black man as “a swift, supple fellow; a merry-hearted, grinning, dancing, singing, affectionate kind of creature, with a great deal of melody and amenability in his composition.” Carlyle, “Occasional Discourse,” in Critical and Miscellaneous Essays, 4: 357.

¹²⁰ The Times, 6 June 1861, p. 12.

¹²¹ For typical negative reactions to the Emancipation Proclamation, see the Daily Telegraph, 6 October 1862, p. 4 and 7 October 1862, p. 4; Standard, 7 October 1862, p. 4, 8 October 1862, p. 4, and 21 September 1864, p. 4; The Times, 24 September 1863, p. 6 and 2 January 1863, p. 9; [E. W. Head], “The American Revolution, “Edinburgh Review 116 (October, 1862): 556; [Cecil], “The Confederate Struggle and Recognition,” pp. 536-37.

¹²² See Army & Navy Gazette, 14 February 1863, p. 97; The Times, 7 October 1862, p. 8; [R. H. Patterson], “The Crisis of the American War,” Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine 92 (November 1862): 636.

¹²³ For discussions concerning the consequences of this race war, see The Times, 19 September 1862, p. 6 and Russell to Gladstone, 26 January 1862, Gladstone Papers, British Library., Add. Mss. 44,292.

¹²⁴ Lawrence, Border and Bastille, p. 279. See a similar statement in Ozanne, The South as It Is, pp. 114-15.

¹²⁵ Lorimer, Colour, Class and the Victorians, p. 210-11.

¹²⁶ These and other epithets come from Carlyle, “Occasional Discourse,” in Critical and Miscellaneous Essays, 4: 354, 360.

¹²⁷ The Times, 17 December 1861, p. 6. See also [Cecil], “Democracy on Its Trial,” p. 274.

¹²⁸ Blanc, Letters on England, 1st Ser., 2: 209.

¹²⁹ The Spectator admitted that due to the South’s “sacrifices and its courage, the ability displayed by its leaders and the military aptitude shown by its people,” the “educated million in England…have become unmistakably Southern.” Spectator, 11 October 1862, p. 1124. See also Blanc, Letters on England, 1st ser., 2: 178.

¹³⁰ Daily News, 5 November 1864, p. 5.

¹³¹ Cobden to Bright, 30 October 1864, Cobden Papers, British Library, Add. Mss. 43,652.

¹³² Mill, John Stuart, Autobiography (New York, 1989), p. 199.Google Scholar

¹³³ These developments partially account for Matthew Arnold’s observation (made in 1868) that the middle class had split in two, with the professional half identifying with the aristocracy. See Wiener, English Culture, p. 16.

¹³⁴ Standard, 25 April 1865, p. 4.

¹³⁵ Parliamentary Debates, 3rd Ser., vol. 183 (1866), col. 71. Accusations of this sort appear frequently in Hansard. See statements by Edward Horsman, General Jonathan Peel, Viscount Cran-bourne, a Mr Grant, Sir Thomas Bateson, and a Colonel Edwards in ibid., vol. 182 (1866), cols. 98, 107 p. 1204; vol. 183 (1866), cols. 18, 21, 44, 71, 1855; vol. 185 (1866), col. 202.

¹³⁶ See, for instance, ibid., vol. 183 (1866), cols. 103, 110, 112, 119.

¹³⁷ Lowe, who led the Liberal rebellion (the “Cave of Adullam”) that joined the Conservatives in destroying the bill, had served as a leader writer at The Times since 1850. Circumstantial evidence points to him as the author of many of that newspaper’s Anti-Americanizing editorials during the Civil War. Gregory, one of the Confederacy’s most important supporters in the House of Commons, served as Lowe’s chief lieutenant in the Cave of Adullam. Lawley, formerly The Times’ Southern correspondent, served as Gladstone’s intermediary in negotiations with Lowe. “The Tradition Established,” The History of The Times 1841-1884, vol. 2 (London, 1939), p. 130-31; Matthew, Gladstone 1809-1898, p. 163-64.

¹³⁸ Cowling, Maurice, Disraeli, Gladstone, and Revolution (New York, 1967), p. 24, 47–50, 58.Google Scholar

¹³⁹ Ibid., p. 25.

¹⁴⁰ Goldwin Smith believed the Jamaica uprising served as a “corollary of the question between slavery and freedom in America.” The historian Christine Bolt saw a certain consistency in the English press during the 1860s. Those who defended the North during the Civil War also supported the rights of blacks during Reconstruction and opposed Governor Eyre. Partisans of the South during the American conflict invariably championed a minimal Reconstruction and upheld Eyre. See Bolt, Christine, “British Attitudes to Reconstruction in the United States, 1863-1877,” (D. Phil, diss., University of London, 1966), pp. 33, 43, 247, 386.Google Scholar

¹⁴¹ Semmel, Bernard, Jamaican Blood and Victorian Conscience (Westport, CT: 1976), p. 123.Google Scholar

¹⁴² Dilke, Charles Wentworth, Greater Britain: A Record of Travel in English-Speaking Countries During 1866 and 1867, 2 vols. (London, 1868), 1:25.Google Scholar