Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-dsjbd Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-25T02:08:21.738Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Liberal Anti-Fascism in the 1930s: The Case of Sir Ernest Barker

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 July 2014

Andrzej Olechnowicz
Get access

Extract

One of the few achievements the communist left in Britain can still plausibly claim is its anti-fascism in the 1930s and beyond. This has recently been most dogmatically reasserted in a series of publications by David Renton, who calls for a distinction to be made between “anti-fascists” and “non-fascists.” The former are characterized by their “correct” understanding of fascism and reliance on organized, active resistance, often in the streets; whereas the latter contributed very little to fascism's defeat. Such a loaded definition of anti-fascism ensures that only the Communist Party and their acolytes fit the bill. But within the historiography even more “neutral”—and seemingly encompassing—definitions have tended, in practice, to look largely to left-wing organizations.

This article will question these perspectives and argue for the significance of a “liberal” anti-fascism, which brought together many Liberal, Conservative and Labour politicians and intellectuals in cross-party pressure groups. What characterized the anti-fascism of these men and women was not resistance to the actions of the BUF, which most regarded as thuggish but insignificant, but resistance to the ideological challenge to English parliamentary democracy represented by continental “totalitarian” movements. The article will begin by considering the compromised nature of the British Communist Party's anti-fascist record and why “liberal” historians have, on the whole, tended to underestimate the extent of liberal anti-fascism. It will then suggest that a truly less exclusionary and partisan approach to anti-fascism should readily include the likes of the liberal Sir Ernest Barker and many in his political and social circle. It will also argue that, even accepting Renton's own, restrictive definition, Barker would still qualify as an anti-fascist, rather than a non-fascist, for he combined a coherent analysis of single-party, totalitarian states with a commitment to organized action through bodies such as the New Estates Community Committee and the Association for Education in Citizenship to remove the pre-conditions of antidemocratic beliefs.

Type
Research Article
Information
Albion , Volume 36 , Issue 4 , Winter 2004 , pp. 636 - 660
Copyright
Copyright © North American Conference on British Studies 2005

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

*

I wish to thank Professor Philip Williamson for his interest in and help with this article.

References

1 Renton, David, “The Attempted Revival of British Fascism,” quoted in Copsey, Nigel, Anti-Fascism in Britain (Basingstoke, 2000), p. 4 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Renton, David, This Rough Game: Fascism and Anti-Fascism (Stroud, 2001), pp. xiii–xiv, 149–51Google Scholar; Eaden, James and Renton, David, The Communist Party of Great Britain since 1920 (Basingstoke, 2002), pp. 49–50 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2 Griffin, Roger, “The Primacy of Culture: The Current Growth (or Manufacture) of Consensus within Fascist Studies,” Journal of Contemporary History 37 (2002)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Griffin, Roger, “Introduction,” in Griffin, Roger, ed., Fascism (Oxford, 1995), pp. 2–3 Google Scholar; Linehan, Tom, “Comment on Roger Griffin, ‘The Primacy of Culture: The Current Growth (or Manufacture) of Consensus within Fascist Studies,’” Journal of Contemporary History 37 (2002): 272–74Google Scholar; Coupland, P. M., “The Blackshirted Utopians,” Journal of Contemporary History 33 (1998): 255–64CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

3 Renton, , “The Attempted Revival of British Fascism,” p. 4 Google Scholar; Renton, , This Rough Game, pp. xiii–xiv, 149–51Google Scholar; Eaden, and Renton, , The Communist Party of Great Britain, pp. 49–50 Google Scholar. Renton's approach to fascism faithfully follow that of Palme Dutt, who stated in 1934 that, “The specific character of Fascism cannot be defined in terms of abstract ideology or political first principles,” but could only be defined by “laying bare its class-basis, the system of class-relations within which it develops and functions, and the class-role which it performs” ( Dutt, Rajani Palme, Fascism and Social Revolution [New York, 1934], p. 76 Google Scholar).

4 Copsey, , Anti-Fascism, pp. 4, 13–79, 189 Google Scholar; Newman, Michael, “Democracy versus Dictatorship: Labour's Role in the Struggle against British Fascism, 1933–1936,” History Workshop Journal Issue 5 (Spring 1978): 67–71 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

5 Todd, Nigel, In Excited Times: The People Against the Blackshirts (Whitley Bay, 1995), pp. 39–45, 54–58; ch. 5Google Scholar.

6 Branson, Moreen, Britain in the Nineteen Thirties (St. Albans, 1973), p. 317 Google Scholar; Branson, Noreen, “Myths from Right and Left,” in Britain, Fascism and The Popular Front, ed. Fyrth, Jim (London, 1985), p. 126 Google Scholar; Susan Bruley, “Women Against War and Fascism: Communism, Feminism and the People's Front,” in ibid., pp. 135, 137.

7 Jim Fyrth, “Introduction: In The Thirties,” in ibid., pp. 11, 19, 22, 24.

8 Ibid., pp. 15, 16; Branson, “Myths from Right and Left,” p. 125. See also, Johnstone, Monty, “Trotsky and the People's Front,” in Britain, Fascism and The Popular Front, pp. 89–114 Google Scholar, for Trotsky's theoretical errors.

9 “Exchange of Letters between the Dean of Canterbury and the Editor,” H. J. Laski, “Preface,” and Gollancz, Victor, “Revolutionary Defeatism and Its Development in C.P. Policy,” in Gollancz, Victor, ed., The Betrayal of the Left: An Examination and Refutation of Communist Policy from October 1939 to January 1941: With Suggestions for an Alternative and an Epilogue on Political Morality (London, 1941), pp. vi, xi–xvii, 109–27Google Scholar.

10 Thorpe, Andrew, “Comintern ‘Control’ of the Communist Party of Great Britain, 1920–43,” English Historical Review (June 1998): 652–53Google Scholar.

11 Eaden, and Renton, , The Communist Party of Great Britain, pp. 68–81 Google Scholar.

12 Hazareesingh, Sudhir, Political Traditions in Modern France (Oxford, 1994), p. 294 Google Scholar; Kedward, H. R., Occupied France: Collaboration and Resistance, 1940–1944 (Oxford, 1985), pp. 56–57 Google Scholar.

13 Gregor, A. J., The Faces of Janus: Marxism and Fascism in the Twentieth Century (New Haven, 2000), pp. ix–x Google Scholar.

14 The Diary of Beatrice Webb, Volume IV, 1924–1943, ed. by Norman, and MacKenzie, Jeanne (London, 1985), p. 334 Google Scholar.

15 Thurlow, Richard, Fascism in Britain: A History, 1918–1985 (Oxford, 1987), pp. 110–11Google Scholar; Stevenson, John and Cook, Chris, The Slump: Society and Politics during the Depression (London, 1979), pp. 207–08Google Scholar.

16 Browne, Alec, The Fate of the Middle Classes (London, 1936), p. 177 Google Scholar; Caudwell, Christopher, “Love: A Study in Changing Values,” in Studies in A Dying Culture (London, 1938), p. 156 Google Scholar.

17 Renton, , This Rough Game, p. 149 Google Scholar; see also, Branson, “Myths from Right and Left.”

18 Levy, Carl, “Fascism, National Socialism and Conservatives in Europe, 1914–1945: Issues for Comparativists,” Contemporary European History 8 (1999), p. 116 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Stevenson, John, “Conservatism and the Failure of Fascism in Interwar Britain,” in Blinkhorn, Martin, ed., Fascists and Conservatives: The Radical Right and the Establishment in Twentieth-Century Europe (London, 1990), p. 264 Google Scholar; Jeffrey, Tom, “A Place in the Nation: The Lower Middle Class in England,” in Splintered Classes: Politics and the Lower Middle Classes in Interwar Europe, ed. Koshar, Rudy (New York, 1990), pp. 78, 81 Google Scholar.

19 Thurlow, , Fascism in Britain, p.94 Google Scholar; Thurlow, Richard, “The Failure of British Fascism, 1932–40,” in The Failure of Political Extremism in Inter-war Britain, ed. Thorpe, Andrew (Exeter, 1989), pp. 68, 82–84 Google Scholar.

20 Anderson, G. D., Fascists, Communists, and the National Government: Civil Liberties in Great Britain, 1931–1937 (Columbia, 1983), p. 6 Google Scholar.

21 Pugh, Martin, The Making of Modern British Politics, 1867–1939 (Oxford, 1982), p. 280 Google Scholar; idem, “The British Union of Fascists and the Olympia Debate,” Historical Journal 41 (1998): 529–42; idem, State and Society: A Social and Political History of Britain, 1870–1997 (London, 1999), p. 218 Google Scholar.

22 Lawrence, Jon, “Fascist Violence and the Politics of Public Order in Inter-war Britain: The Olympia Debate Revisited,” Historical Research 76 (2003): 238 CrossRefGoogle Scholar reasserts that, contrary to revisionist accounts, revulsion at fascist violence played an important part in the failure of Mosley and British fascism, with the Olympia meeting serving to alienate Conservative opinion.

23 Skidelsky, Robert, Oswald Mosley (London, 1975), pp. 288–89Google Scholar; Stevenson, and Cook, , The Slump, pp. 199–217 Google Scholar; Thorpe, Andrew, The Longman Companion to Britain in the Era of the Two World Wars, 1914–45 (Harlow, 1994), p. 29 Google Scholar; Thurlow, , Fascism in Britain, pp. 92–162 Google Scholar; Coupland, P. M., “‘Left-Wing Fascism’ in Theory and Practice: The Case of the British Union of Fascists,” Twentieth Century British History 13 (2002): 38–58 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Spurr, M. A., “”Living the Blackshirt Life”: Culture, Community and the British Union of Fascists, 1932–1940,” Contemporary European History 12 (2003): 316 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, opens up new explanatory possibilities by suggesting that the “inwardness” of fascists groups may have stilled the revolutionary potential of the BUF, making the community an end in itself, and deflecting its efforts from the pursuit of political power.

24 Skidelsky, , Oswald Mosley, p. 359 Google Scholar; Stevenson, and Cook, , The Slump, p. 206 Google Scholar.

25 Williamson, Philip, Stanley Baldwin: Conservative Leadership and National Values (Cambridge, 1999), pp. 301–02Google Scholar.

26 Chadwick, Owen, Hensley Henson: A Study in the Friction between Church and State (Oxford, 1983), p. 241 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

27 Annan, Noel, Our Age: The Generation That Made Post-war Britain (London, 1991), p. 274 Google Scholar.

28 Nicolson, Harold, Diaries and Letters, 1939–1945, ed. Nicolson, Nigel (London, 1967), pp. 458–59Google Scholar.

29 The Marquess of Londonderry, Ourselves and Germany (Harmondsworth, 1938), pp. 21–23, 25, 84–91 Google Scholar; Williams, Susan, Ladies of Influence: Women of the Elite in Interwar Britain (Harmondsworth, 2000), p. 14 Google Scholar; Mowat, C. L., Britain between the Wars, 1918–1940 (London, 1955), p. 592 Google Scholar on his “uncritical admiration of Nazi Germany.”

30 McLeod, Kirsty, Battle Royal (London, 2000), pp. 244–51Google Scholar; Allen, Michael, Hidden Agenda: How the Duke of Windsor Betrayed the Allies (New York, 2002)Google Scholar; Aronson, Theo, Royal Subjects: A Biographer's Encounters (London, 2000), pp. 22–23 Google Scholar. A comprehensive, if uncritical, summary of the main charges is Picknett, Lynn, Prince, Clive, Prior, Stephen and Brydon, Robert, War of the Windsors: A Century of Unconstitutional Monarchy (Edinburgh, 2002)Google Scholar.

31 Ziegler, Philip, King Edward VIII: The Official Biography (London, 1990), p. 386 Google Scholar. Strobl, Gerwin, The Germanic Isle: Nazi Perceptions of Britain (Cambridge, 2000), pp. 108—10Google Scholar, suggests that there was no suggestion in German minds that the duke was a traitor, but that instead “there is something one comes across only very rarely in Nazi utterances: genuine respect; the respect felt for an equal,” because of the Duke's modernity, vigour, determination, and his Volksnahe—“proximity to the people.”

32 Martland, Peter, Lord Haw Haw: The English yoke of Nazi Germany (Kew, 2003), pp. 78–84 Google Scholar; Weale, Adrian, Renegades: Hitler's Englishmen (London, 2002), pp. 177–82Google Scholar. John Amery was executed on 19 December 1945, and William Joyce on 3 January 1946.

33 Williamson, Philip, “Baldwin's Reputation: Politics and History, 1937–1967,” Historical Journal 47 (2004), p. 138 Google Scholar. This, despite Churchill's own equivocations: Parker, R. A. C., Churchill and Appeasement (London, 2000), pp. ix–xi, 258—63Google Scholar.

34 Catlin, G. E. G., “Ernest Barker, 1874–1960,” Proceedings of the British Academy (1960), p. 342 Google Scholar; Stapleton, Julia, Englishness and the Study of Politics: The Social and Political Thought of Ernest Barker (Cambridge, 1994), p. 198 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Barker, Ernest “Reasons for Being a Liberal,” The Liberal Magazine 44 (1936): 95 Google Scholar; Barker, Ernest, National Character and the Factors in Its Formation (1927; reprnt. 1948), p. 114 Google Scholar.

35 This was not universally accepted, not even by the inter-war Pan-European Union, which, like Barker, rejected the idea of pure races in Europe: The History of the Idea of Europe, ed. by Wilson, Kevin and van der Dussen, Jan (London, 1995), pp. 97–99 Google Scholar.

36 Barker, Ernest, Reflections on Government (Oxford, 1942), pp. 148, 270–71, 289–92, 384–90Google Scholar; Barker, Ernest, “The Conflict of Ideologies,” in The Citizen's Choice (Cambridge, 1937), pp. 13, 20 Google Scholar; Stapleton, , Englishness and the Study of Politics, p. 9 Google Scholar.

37 Orwell, George, “The Road to Wigan Pier Diary,” in The Collected Essays, Journalism and Letters of George Orwell, Vol. I, ed. Orwell, Sonia and Angus, Ian (Harmondsworth, 1971), p. 231 Google Scholar.

38 Barker, , Reflections on Government, p. 405 Google Scholar.

39 University of Newcastle, Mary Moorman Papers, MM1/4/23 G. M. Trevelyan to Mary Trevelyan, 13 November 1935.

40 Barker, , Reflections on Government, pp. 4, 36 Google Scholar.

41 Ibid., pp. 37–72, 108–13, 120.

42 Ibid., p. xv.

43 Stapleton, , Englishness and the Study of Politics, p. 24 Google Scholar.

44 Barker, Ernest, Political Thought in England, 1848 to 1914 (Oxford, 1915), p. 222 Google Scholar; Barker, , The Citizen's Choice, p. 147 Google Scholar.

45 Barker, , Reflections on Government, p. xiv Google Scholar; Barker, , National Character, pp. xvi, 2–3 Google Scholar. Barker believed that, historically, the names Celts, Teutons, and Slavs were linguistic and cultural and did not signify “breed or blood”: Barker, Ernest, “Review and Epilogue,” in The European Inheritance, Volume III, ed. Barker, Ernest, Clark, George, and Vaucher, Paul (Oxford, 1954), p. 311 Google Scholar.

46 Stapleton, , Englishness and the Study of Politics, pp. 98–99, 102 Google Scholar.

47 Ibid., p. 124; Stapleton, Julia, “Political Thought and National Identity in Britain, 1850–1950,” in History, Religion, and Culture: British Intellectual History, 1750–1950, ed. Collini, Stefan, Whatmore, Richard and Young, Brian (Cambridge, 2000), pp. 257, 266 Google Scholar.

48 Barker, , “Review and Epilogue,” p. 328 Google Scholar.

49 Barker, , “Review and Epilogue,” p. 342 Google Scholar.

50 Barker, , Reflections on Government, pp. 2–3 Google Scholar.

51 Barker, Eenest, “Maitland as a Sociologist,” Sociological Review 29 (1937): 129 Google Scholar; Barker, , National Character, p. 257 Google Scholar.

52 Barker, , “Maitland as a Sociologist,” p. 129 Google Scholar; Barker, , National Character, p. 257 Google Scholar; Barker, , “The Corporative State,” in The Citizen's Choice, p. 98 Google Scholar.

53 Barker, , “Review and Epilogue,” pp. 342—43Google Scholar; Barker, , Reflections on Government, pp. 129—30, 133–34, 136 Google Scholar.

54 Barker, , Reflections on Government, pp. 144, 157, 391 Google Scholar.

55 Ibid., p. 293. Rebecca West dismissed Italian fascism as “this inferior modern copy” of the reforms of Diocletian ( Selected Letters of Rebecca West, ed. Scott, Kime [New Haven, 2000], p. 164 Google Scholar).

56 Barker, , Political Thought in England from Herbert Spencer to the Present Day (London, 1915), pp. 248, 155Google Scholar; Lassman, Peter, “English pluralism,” in British Politics and the Spirit of the Age: Political Concepts in Action, ed. Navari, Cornelia (Keele, 1996), p. 71 Google Scholar; Barker, , Reflections on Government, pp. 123–29, 142–43, 151–53Google Scholar.

57 Barker, , “Review and Epilogue,” p. 342 Google Scholar; Barker, , “The Social Background of Recent Political Changes,” in The Citizen's Choice, pp. 71–72 Google Scholar.

58 Morton, H. V., In Search of England (London, 1927), p. x Google Scholar; Baxendale, John, “‘I Had Seen a Lot of Englands’: J. B. Priestley, Englishness and the People,” History Workshop Journal 51 (2001): 89, 93, 107 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

59 Barker, , Reflections on Government, pp. 412–20Google Scholar; Barker, , “The Teaching of Politics,” in The Citizen's Choice, pp. 154–61Google Scholar.

60 Williamson, , Stanley Baldwin, pp. 316—17, 319–26Google Scholar; see also, Williamson, Philip, “Christian Conservatives and the Totalitarian Challenge, 1933–40,” English Historical Review (June 2000): 615–19Google Scholar. For Baldwin, however, fascism and Nazism were “marginally less horrible than communism,” since fascism was bred by communism and communism was “the most corrosive of civilised values.”

61 Public Opinion, 1 June 1934, p. 510 Google Scholar; see also, Lord Eustace Percy [former Minister for Education], “Does Popular Education Breed Dictatorship,” Public Opinion, 22 February 1935, p. 178 Google Scholar and “The Archbishop [of York] and the Avoidance of Mob Rule,” Public Opinion, 21 December 1934, p. 618 Google Scholar.

62 Joad, C. E. M., Liberty Today (London, 1938), pp. 4, 8n., 36, 46–52, 211–12Google Scholar; Manifesto: Being the Book of the Federation of Progressive Societies and Individuals, ed. Joad, C. E. M. (London, 1934), pp. 7–9, 22–61 Google Scholar.

63 Angell, Norman, Why Freedom Matters (Harmondsworth, 1940), pp. 32—33 Google Scholar.

64 Lawson, Tom, “The Anglican Understanding of Nazism, 1933–1945: Placing the Church of England's Response to the Holocaust in Context,” Twentieth Century British History 14 (2003): 112–28CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Newman, , “Democracy versus Dictatorship,” p. 68 Google Scholar.

65 Laski, H. J., Liberty in the Modern State (Harmondsworth, 1937), p. 11 Google Scholar; Laski, H. J., The Danger of Being A Gentleman and Other Essays (London, 1939), p. 25 Google Scholar.

66 Gibbs, Philip, Ways of Escape (London, 1933), pp. 280–307 Google Scholar; idem, European Journey (London, 1934), p. 439.

67 Heinemann, Margot, “The People's Front and the Intellectuals,” in Britain, Fascism and The Popular Front, pp. 177–79Google Scholar; Caudwell, , “Liberty: A Study in Bourgeois Illusion,” in Studies in A Dying Culture, pp. 193–228 Google Scholar; Montagu, Ivor, The Traitor Class (London, 1940), p. 136 Google Scholar.

68 Barker, Ernest, “For Adults: The Idea of People's Colleges,” in Education in Britain: Yesterday, Today, Tomorrow, ed. Scott-James, R. A. (London, 1944), pp. 68—74 Google Scholar.

69 Barker, Ernest, “Preface,” in NCSS, New Housing Estates and Their Social Problems (1938), pp. 3–4 Google Scholar.

70 Ministry of Health, Departmental Committee on Garden Cities and Satellite Towns (London, 1935), p. 9 Google Scholar.

71 National Council of Voluntary Organizations Archive (NCVO), New Estates Conference, 1937, p. A1; Barker, Ernest, “New Housing Estates—The Problem,” Social Service Review 12 (1931): 47 Google Scholar; Barker, Ernest, The Uses of Leisure (London, 1936), p. 8 Google Scholar. Henry Durant documented this “new world of leisure,” which was “a problem, one almost said a danger” ( Durant, Henry, The Problem of Leisure [London, 1938], pp. 3–7, 17)Google Scholar.

72 NCVO Archive, New Estates Conference, 1937, p. A2; NCVO Archive, New Estates Conference, 1938, p. 11.

73 Barker, , “Preface,” p. 6 Google Scholar; NCVO Archive, New Estates Conference, 1938, pp. 10–11.

74 Barker, Ernest, “Foreword,” in The Social and Political Doctrines of Contemporary Europe, ed. Oakeshott, Michael (Cambridge, 1939), p. vi Google Scholar.

75 NCVO Archive, New Estates Conference, 1937, p. G2. Yet, at the same time, as the German Anglophile Paul Cohen-Portheim wrote in 1932, “there is in the English character a strong dose of independence, resenting absorption in the mass” ( Cohen-Portheim, Paul, The Discovery of Europe [London, 1932], p. 19 Google Scholar).

76 NCVO Archive, New Estates Conference, 1937, p. F2.

77 Deedes, Wyndham, “Community Centres and Their Future,” The Spectator, 19 March 1937, p. 511 Google Scholar; New Housing Estates and Their Social Problems, p. 19.

78 NCVO Archive, Report of the Conference of Community Associations and Similar Organizations of Residents in Greater London, 24 September 1938, p. 3 Jenkins's charge of a fetishistic managerialism is a gross misrepresentation for the inter-war period: Jenkins, John, “The Organization Man: George Haynes at the National Council of Social Service,” in Consensus or Coercion?: The State, the People and Social Cohesion in Post-war Britain, ed. Black, Lawrence (Cheltenham, 2001), p. 166 Google ScholarPubMed.

79 NCVO Archive, C63/12/1 Memorandum on National Organization of Community Associations [March 1936], pp. 1–2; The National Federation of Community Associations, 7 September 1937; Ernest Barker to E. Sewell Harris, 22 September 1937.

80 Barker, , “Preface,” p. 5 Google Scholar.

81 NCVO Archive, C63/6 New Estates Community Committee. Lists Showing New Estates in Certain Cities, October 1936, p. 8; Community Centres. 1937 and 1942; White, L. E., Community or Chaos (London, 1950), pp. 10, 15 Google Scholar.

82 Olechnowicz, Andrzej, Working-Class Housing in England between the Wars: The Becontree Estate (Oxford, 1997), ch. 6CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

83 The Times, 27 January 1939; Association for Education in Citizenship, Education for Citizenship in Secondary Schools (Oxford, 1936)Google Scholar, Object; see also, “Education and Citizenship Supplement,” The New Statesman and Nation, 14 July 1934 Google Scholar.

84 Freeden, Michael, Liberalism Divided: A Study in British Political Thought, 1914–1939 (Oxford, 1984), ch. 4Google Scholar.

85 Simon, E. D., “The Aims of Education for Citizenship,” in Education for Citizenship in Secondary Schools, pp. 3–4, 7 Google Scholar.

86 Simon, E. D., “The Aims of Education for Citizenship,” p. 4 Google Scholar; idem, The Smaller Democracies (London, 1939), p. 12 Google Scholar.

87 Education for Citizenship in Secondary Schools, chs. 2–16, pp. 249–53; Gordon, Peter and Lawton, Dennis, Curriculum Change in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (London, 1978), p. 117 Google Scholar.

88 Marriott, J. W., Arguments and Discussions (London, 1937), pp. 5–8 Google Scholar.

89 The Times, 4 February 1939.

90 Bryant Papers, C/41, John Davidson to Arthur Bryant, 5 October 1937.

91 Bryant Papers, E/1, Arthur Bryant to Keith Feiling, 9 June 1937; see also, C/6, Arthur Bryant to G. Fry, 19 January 1937.

92 Stanley, Oliver, “Foreword,” in Education for Citizenship in Secondary Schools, p. v Google Scholar.

93 Barker, Rodney, Education and Politics, 1900–1951 (Oxford, 1972), p. 140 Google Scholar; Gordon, and Lawton, , Curriculum Change, p. 117 Google Scholar.

94 Gordon, and Lawton, , Curriculum Change, pp. 117–18Google Scholar.