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⁸ Weldon, Anthony, The Court and Character of King James, in Scott, , Secret History, 1:325–26Google Scholar. According to Goodman, Salisbury went to Bath hoping that in his absence the king's displeasure would abate. Court of King James 1:45Google Scholar. For Salisbury's illness and death, see Stone, , Family and Fortune, pp. 50–55Google Scholar; Smith, , Sir Michael Hickes, pp. 146–48Google Scholar; Cecil, , Life of Robert Cecil, pp. 332–45.Google Scholar

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¹¹ See, e.g., Foster, Elizabeth Read, ed., Proceedings in Parliament, 1610, 2 vols. (New Haven, 1966), 1:xxGoogle Scholar; Prestwich, , Cranfietd, p. 40Google Scholar; Hurstfield, , Queen's Wards, pp. 320–23Google Scholar. The following discussion is abridged from Lindquist, Eric N., “The Failure of the Great Contract,” Journal of Modern History 57 (1985).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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¹⁴ Caesar, Professor Hurstfield commented, “was ready indeed when opportunity came to plunge a knife into Salisbury's back.” “Political Morality,” p. 188. The memorandum, dated 17 August, is printed in Gardiner, Samuel Rawson, ed., Parliamentary Debates in 1610, Camden Society (London, 1862), pp. 164–79Google Scholar. For the suggestion that Caesar was not opposing Salisbury, see Hill, L.M., “The Public Career of Sir Julius Caesar, 1584-1614” (Ph.D. diss., University of London, 1968), pp. 390–92.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Perhaps the most common complaint against Salisbury was that he monopolized power and prevented the advancement of possible rivals. See Wilson, Thomas, “The State of England, Anno Dom. 1600,” ed. Fisher, F.J., in Camden Miscellany XVI, Camden Society (London, 1936), p. 42Google Scholar; The Works of Francis Bacon, ed. Spedding, James, Ellis, Robert Leslie, and Heath, Douglas Denon, 14 vols. (London, 1857–1874), 13:6–7Google Scholar; HMC, Salisbury MSS 21:261.Google Scholar

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¹⁷ Salisbury appointed Suffolk one of the overseers of his will, saying of him that he “held yt next the favor of my soveraigne the felicitie of my lyef to exchaunge my dearest thoughts with him when ever I had cause to use or trust a friend.” Hatfield MSS, Box V. Their relationship was described in similar terms in a character of Salisbury, possibly by SirWotton, Henry. Smith, Logan Pearsall, The Life and Letters of Sir Henry Wotton, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1907), 2:489.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Goodman, , Court of King James, 1:51Google Scholar. The “four lords” constituted an informal committee for managing parliament in 1610, and they had apparently served as an “inner ring” since the beginning of the reign. Public Record Office, SP 14/56/42; 58/26, 30; Marcham, , “‘Little Beagle’ Letters,” p. 327.Google Scholar

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²⁰ BL, Cotton MSS Titus C VI, fols. 77v, 123-24. According to Goodman, the king thought Northampton “too strict.” Court of King James 1:289.Google Scholar

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²² Foster, , Proceedings 2:310Google Scholar. Over the summer the king had redressed a number of the grievances presented in the Commons' petition, at a cost, he said, of £30,000 per annum. It is extremely unlikely that he would have surrendered such sums unless he hoped that this would help secure the larger revenue promised in the Great Contract. The king actually began to put some of the articles of the contract into effect, appointing commissions to reform fees and penal laws, in accordance with provisions of the Commons' “memorial” of the agreement. Journals of the House of Lords 2:661Google Scholar; BL, Add. MSS 11402, fol. 160; PRO, C 66/1868.

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²⁴ SP 14/58/35.

²⁵ SP 14/58/38.

²⁶ The king had summoned thirty members to a private audience, hoping to convince them of his necessities by a personal appeal. The House reacted to this meeting with suspicion, although its jealousy was directed as much against the members who had attended as against the king. Foster, , Proceedings 2:337-43, 389–92.Google Scholar

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²⁸ Ibid., pp. 263-64.

²⁹ Goodman, , Court of King James 1:176Google Scholar; HMC, Downshire MSS 2:177, 184, 187, 190, 200.Google Scholar

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³¹ Ibid., pp. 264-65.

³² Willson, , James VI and I, p. 267Google Scholar; idem, “Summoning and Dissolving Parliament, 1603-1625,” American Historical Review 45 (1939-40): 284; Seddon, , “Robert Carr,” p. 50.Google Scholar

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³⁴ Carter, Charles Howard, The Secret Diplomacy of the Habsburgs, 1598-1625 (New York, 1964), pp. 109–33Google Scholar. Jenny Wormald comments, “It is revealing that those who see James I through the eyes of foreign observers do not find the lamentable creature of the domestic history of the reign.” “James VI and I: Two Kings or One?” History 68 (1983): 189.Google ScholarPubMed

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³⁶ BL, Stowe MSS 171, fol. 358.

³⁷ According to a memorandum of December 1610, the prince's new establishment cost the king an additional £28,000 per annum. HMC, Salisbury MSS 21:270–71Google Scholar. About the same time the total annual ordinary deficit was estimated at £150,900. Hatfield MSS 211/3.

³⁸ The strain under which Salisbury labored at the end of 1610 and its effects on him were demonstrated when he was approached for money for one of the king's ambassadors. Usually eventempered, he “fell into a great passion about the great penury of the Exchequer, and the exceeding difficulty that would be found in the replenishing the same.” Sawyer, , Memorials of Affairs of State 3:235.Google Scholar

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⁴⁰ Ibid., pp. 265-66. Salisbury appeared reassured when he next wrote to the king. Ibid., pp. 267-68.

⁴¹ “The Journal of Sir Roger Wilbraham,” ed. Scott, Harold Spencer, in Camden Miscellany X, Camden Society, 3d ser., 4 (London, 1902), p. 59Google Scholar. Goodman wrote similarly that “for the instant he was very apt for passion, but after a little deliberation he was as temperate as any man living.” Court of King James 1:13.Google Scholar

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⁴³ At least thirty-five letters from Lake to Salisbury in 1611 survive in SP 14/60-67. Viscount Fenton, Sir Roger Aston and others also wrote to the lord treasurer for the king. See SP 14/65/87; 66/1, 15, 23, 71; 67/43, 44, 98.

⁴⁴ In March 1612, for example, James told the ambassador that he would have to consult Salisbury about the Venetian republic's request to be accorded the same diplomatic status as monarchies. Calendar of State Papers … Venetian 12:311–12Google Scholar. Salisbury's continued importance as secretary of state was well-illustrated when Francis Cottington, the king's agent in Spain, returned to England in October 1611. Cottington attended Salisbury for two days before attending the king. He then waited on Salisbury again before going to see the queen and the prince and finally his father. HMC, Downshire MSS 3:164Google Scholar. Wilbraham wrote when Salisbury died that “he solie managed all foren affaires, especialli Ireland.” “Journal,” p. 106.

⁴⁵ Sawyer, , Memorials of Affairs of State 3:338Google Scholar; Chamberlain, , Letters 1:338Google Scholar. CSPVen 12:298, 314, 317, 323, 351.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ CSPVen 12:332.Google Scholar

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⁴⁸ Ibid., p. 338.

⁴⁹ Peck, , Northampton, pp. 131–5Google Scholar. Salisbury in fact died before the farm was formally granted, but although Northampton was able to delay the grant, he was not able to prevent it. Goodman noted that “in his very declining he knew the way so well for the passing of business and suits, and was so punctual and real in his rewards, that no suit went against him.” Court of King James 1:44.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ SP 14/62/54.

⁵¹ Bacon, , Works 11:246Google Scholar. In September 1611 the earl of Dorset also wrote to Salisbury of “that profession of friendship, nay service which I have vowed to youre lordshipp.” SP 14/66/30.

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⁵³ Chamberlain, , Letters 1:346Google Scholar; HMC, Downshire MSS 3:283.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ HMC, Salisbury MSS 20:269–70.Google Scholar

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⁵⁶ HMC, Salisbury MSS 21:339–40.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ See above, n. 6.

⁵⁸ Neville had been implicated in the Essex conspiracy, suffering imprisonment and loss of office.

⁵⁹ In 1604 Salisbury had written, “there are so many ways to the wood, especially when his Majesty in his gracious disposition is desirous to deny few. And therefore many things may be obtained both by English and Scottish noblemen and councillors, with which I shall never be acquainted till they come to seal.” HMC, Salisbury MSS 16:420.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Goodman knew of “some cases where he himself [Salisbury] hath procured the suit, yet hath had no part of the profit, but hath wished the party to give £500 to John Murray, or some other of the bedchamber whom the King did specifically favour.” Court of King James 1:38Google Scholar. James told Salisbury in 1608 that he “daily” heard good reports of him “by Scottish men.” HMC, Salisbury MSS 20:270.Google Scholar

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⁶² SP 14/67/43, 98.

⁶³ BL, Add. MSS 36767, fol. 319.

⁶⁴ PRO, C 66/1915. According to William Sanderson, Salisbury's “merits certainly appeared to the king, who not onely not diminished his former preferments, but often added to them even to the day of his death.” Aulicus Coquinariae, in Scott, , Secret History 2:147–48Google Scholar. Sanderson's history of James's reign, which was contemporary with the works of Goodman and Weldon, gives an optimistic account of Salisbury's last years.

⁶⁵ CSPVen, 12:85, 145, 198.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ It is sometimes said that the Prince of Wales disliked Salisbury, but there is abundant evidence that they were on good terms. The Venetian ambassador reported in October 1611 that the prince was “almost always” with the lord treasurer. CSPVen 12:227Google Scholar. See also HMC, Salisbury MSS 21:326Google Scholar; SP 14/65/85. For evidence of the queen's regard, see SP 14/65/80. Wilbraham commented that Salisbury “managed all the revenew & gretest affaires of the King, Queen, Prince & Duke of York.” “Journal,” p. 106.

⁶⁷ Chamberlain, , Letters 1:338Google Scholar; CSPVen 12:298, 305, 314Google Scholar; HMC, Downshire MSS 3:276.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Sawyer, , Memorials of Affairs of State 3:338–39.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Ibid., p. 368. Chamberlain reported that the diamond was worth £400. Letters 1:350Google ScholarPubMed. Hay and Sir John Holies, who had been sent by the prince, accompanied Salisbury on at least part of his last journey from Bath. Bowles, John, “A plaine & true relation of those thinges I observed in my lords sicknes, since his goeing to the Bath,” in Desiderata Curiosa; or, A Collection of Divers Scarce and Curious Pieces Relating Chiefly to Matters of English History, ed. Peck, Francis (London, 1779), p. 210.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ CSPVen 12:372Google Scholar; Sanderson, , Aulicus Coquinariae, p. 157Google Scholar. According to Sanderson, the king, having seen Salisbury before he left for Bath, “with tears at his parting, protested to the lords attending, his great losse of the wisest councelour and best servant that any prince in Christendome could paralel.” Ibid., p. 156.

⁷¹ Competition for the spoils, especially the secretaryship, began even before Salisbury's death. Dudley Carleton to John Chamberlain, 1603-1624: Jacobean Letters, ed. Lee, Maurice Jr. (New Brunswick, New Jersey, 1972), p. 125Google Scholar; Chamberlain, , Letters 1:336Google Scholar; HMC, Downshire MSS 3:266.Google Scholar

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⁷³ CSPVen 12:356Google Scholar. Salisbury left behind two of his secretaries “to receve packetts and to carrie them to the Lord Chamberlain [Suffolk] and the earle of Pembroke.” Chamberlain, , Letters 1:346Google Scholar. Pembroke was another close friend of Salisbury—one of the few men, according to Northampton, who mourned his death. SP 14/69/56.

⁷⁴ Chamberlain, , Letters 1:351.Google Scholar

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⁷⁹ D'Ewes, , Autobiography 1:50.Google Scholar

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⁸³ Chamberlain, , Letters 1:397Google Scholar. Bacon blamed Salisbury for a number of things, including James's difficulties with his first parliament. See Bacon, , Works 11:279-80, 311-14, 365–71Google Scholar; 12:178-79.

⁸⁴ A few voices were raised in Salisbury's defense. Cope's “Apology” was circulated in manuscript. Johnson, Richard published A Remembrance of the Honors Due to the Life and Death of Robert Earle of Salisbury, Lord Treasurer of England (London, 1612)Google Scholar. According to Goodman, the king himself provided Salisbury's chaplain with a “testimony” for his funeral sermon. “The King wrote and did acknowledge that for some six years before the Queen died he held correspondence with him, and that he found him a very wise, able, faithful servant, with something else in his commendation.” Court of King James 1:30–31.Google Scholar

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⁸⁶ Goodman, , Court of King James 1:45.Google Scholar

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⁸⁹ See Carter, , Secret Diplomacy, pp. 110–11Google Scholar; Wormald, , “James VI and I,” pp. 190–92.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ See above, n. 2.

⁹¹ Bacon, , Works 12:184.Google Scholar

⁹² I owe this point to discussion with David Sacks.

⁹³ Peck, Northampton, and other works cited therein.

⁹⁴ Stone, , Family and Fortune, pp. 55–58Google Scholar; Hurstfield, , Queen's Wards, pp. 297–325Google Scholar; idem, “Political Morality”; Prestwich, , Cranfield, pp. 17–48.Google Scholar

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