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Familial Clout and Financial Gain In Henry I's Later Reign*
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 July 2014
Extract
To what extent were families important participants in the statecraft of Henry I? Their political influence, or clout, can best be measured by an examination of the rewards that the king bestowed upon their members for good service. Royal patronage could range from appointments to lucrative offices and marriages to heiresses to monetary gifts, pardoned debts, and exemptions from danegeld, auxilium burgi, and the murdum fine. Analysis of the Pipe Roll of 1130, the only surviving record of Henry's income and expenses, indicates that nearly seven hundred individuals received favors from the king in that account. The focus of this study shifts to royal patronage of the family groups to which these favored individuals belonged. Considered within the context of their domus, they form fifty-three fiscally-favored families and constitute the statistical sample upon which this analysis is based.
This study fits into the prosopographical framework envisioned by Timothy Reuter for the Anglo-Norman aristocracy and described by George Beech. The Pipe Roll of 1130, a document of impressive detail and accuracy, illustrates which families were powerful and in the king's good graces and is a rich source of familial activity. It provides a glimpse not only of the financial and political activities of great magnates such as Ranulf earl of Chester and Waleran count of Meulan, but of the endeavors of families of modest origins and moderate status as well. Furthermore, the Pipe Roll suggests that political service and its consequent rewards were not confined to a “closed group,” but that the power structure could include families of varied means.
- Type
- Symposium: Anglo-Norman Elites
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © North American Conference on British Studies 1982
Footnotes
I wish to thank C. Warren Hollister and Ms. RaGena DeAragon for their comments, and Ms. Robin Fleming for her assistance in computerizing the Pipe Roll data.
References
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2 Stephanie L. Mooers, “Patronage in the Pipe Roll of 1130,” Speculum (forthcoming).
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9 Was this, as R.H.C. Davis supposed, even an impetus to rebellion? C. Warren Hollister has argued in “Henry I and the Anglo-Norman Magnates,” in Brown, R. Allen, ed., Procedings of the Battle Abbey Conference III (Ipswich, 1980)Google Scholar, that the barons “made war in Stephen's reign, not because they sought freedom from a predatory Anglo-Norman regime (for they had been part of it), but because they sought effective royal lordship and could find it nowhere” (p. 106).
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25 The Pipe Roll of 1130 and the narrative sources singled out certain individuals who received preferment because of the royal love (pro amore) for their patrons. The Pipe Roll alone designates twelve such cases (pp. 28, 55, 59, 61, 71, 97, 102, 116, 123, 146-7, 147).
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28 P. R. 31 Henry I, pp. 3, 8, 18, 21, 26, 34, 37, 43, 53, 59, 64, 66, 81-83, 85, 87-88, 94, 110-112, 125, 136, 139, 142, 154 and 158. In 1129, Henry allowed the marriage of Payn Peverel's daughter, Matilda, to Hugh son of Fulbert of Dover with a manor in Berkshire (Regesta, 2: no. 1609).
29 For example, Henry and Richard Esturmit each received one small danegela exemption for lands in- Wiltshire (P.R. 31 Henry I, pp. 22-23), and did not witness any of Henry I's charters. Henry Esturmit was a royal forester associated in the Pipe Roll with Marlborough Forest (ibid., p. 17, bis); Richard Esturmit seems to have died by 1130, since Adam of Haredena renders account of the farm of his land to the king (ibid., p. 23). A William Esturmit attests Regesta 2: nos. 825 (a) and 1042 (cf. no. 1509). Similarly, Geoffrey and Hugh of Walterville were exempted danegeld payments on five hides in Northampton totalling £2 (ibid., p. 86). Except for Hugh's temporary position as baillif of the Abbey of Bury St. Edmunds in 1132 the family was politically obscure (Regesta, 2: no. 1733).
30 The Conches family, for instance, does not appear in the Pipe Roll of 1130.
31 These occur in Somerset, Worcester, Hereford, Shropshire, Chester, Lancaster, Westmoreland, Cumberland, Hampshire, and the Bishopric of Durham.
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35 This potential problem occurs rarely in this statistical sample since the concern is with a single generation of families mentioned in the Pipe Roll. Mathilda de Laigle, who married Nigel d'Aubigny but was divorced by him after failing to bear him an heir, is included with the Laigle family rather than with the Mowbray (see The Complete Peerage, ed. Cokayne, G.E., 12 vols. (London, 1910–1959), 9:366–371.Google Scholar
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39 P.R. 31 Henry I, passim: Robert of Gloucester's holdings were in the counties of Oxford, Dorset, Wiltshire, Hampshire, Cambridge, Huntingdon, Surrey, Essex, Hertford, Kent, Sussex, Gloucester, Northampton, Norfolk, Suffolk, Buckingham, Bedford, Warwick, Lincoln, Devon, Cornwall, and Middlesex.
40 Gloucester was favored 64 times; Roger of Salisbury, 38 times; William of Warenne, 19 times; William of Corbeil, 18 times; and Stephen of Blois, 34 times.
41 These families are listed among Sanders' 132 baronies or 72 probable baronies; they were tenants-in-chief of the crown, or, according to the Pipe Roll, possessed demesne lands of baronial magnitude-50 hides valued at £10 per year (Richardson, H.G. and Sayles, G.O., The Goverance of Medieval England (Edinburgh, 1963), p. 229.Google Scholar)
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51 Simeon of Durham, Historia Ecclesiae Dunhelmensis, in Opera Omnia, 1:142Google Scholar. Geoffrey made valuable gifts to the chapter at Durham, but he was reluctant to allow the monks under his supervision their customary rights.
52 Hollister, and Baldwin, , “The Rise of Administrative Kingship,” p. 888Google Scholar, and Regesta, 2, passim. Geoffrey Rufus attested 115 charters as Chancellor, 4 as chaplain and 2 as Bishop of Durham. His predecessor in the chancellorship, Ranulf, likewise attested at the rate of 11.5 charters per year between 1107 and 1122.
53 His exemption was £1.17s. (P.R. 31 Henry I, p. 15).
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60 See Hollister, , “The Origins of the English Treasury,” pp. 271–273.Google Scholar
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62 Hollister, and Baldwin, , “The Rise of Administrative Kingship,” p. 888.Google Scholar
63 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, sub anno 1123.
64 P.R. 31 Henry I, p. 106.
65 Ibid., p. 125.
66 Ibid., pp. 81 and 94.
67 Sanders, , English Baronies, p. 91Google Scholar. The main part of Trowbridge passed through Edward of Salisbury's daughter, Maud, to Humphrey of Bohun.
68 The Pipe Roll reveals similar efforts by William of Pont de l'Arche, sheriff or fermor of Arundel, Berkeshire, Hampshire, the Isle of Wight and Winchester, to increase his own and his family's status. For a sum of 1000 silver marks (£666.13.04), he purchased the office and daughter of Robert Mauduit; for additional fees, he acquired two offices in the camera curiae as well as custody of a wardship (P.R. 31 Henry I, p. 37).
69 Henry II of Ferrers inherited his father's Norman lands by 1130 and some scattered English estates (Complete Peerage, 4:19Google Scholarin, and P.R. 31 Henry I, passim). Robert of Ferrers, Henry II's uncle, inherited most of the family's English lands and seems to have served as a local justiciar early in the reign (Regesta, 2: nos. 538, 723 and 726). He was elevated to the earldom of Derby in 1138.
70 P.R. 31 Henry I, pp. 3, 6, 23 and 80.
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77 Regesta, 2: no. 1667n.
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79 Regesta, 3: no. 32.
80 See note 37. Eustace Fitz John was granted royal demesne lands in Northumberland c. 1121 (Regesta, 2: no. 1279).
81 Eustace received exemptions of £9.15s on four occasions; Payn, £4.08s (three times); William two exemptions totalling £1.16.08; and Roger of Valognes, Agnes Fitz John's husband, acquired three pardons equalling £7.
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84 Hamo was patronized twice and gained £1.10s; Payn, four times, £5.12s; and William II, four times, £4.00.04.
85 Regesta, 2: nos. 1547 and 1556.
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