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Cromwell, Cranmer and Lord Lisle: A Study in the Politics of Reform*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 July 2014

Arthur J. Slavin
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Extract

When Henry VIII raised Thomas Cromwell to the earldom of Essex, most observors were both dazzled by the ceremony and deceived as to its significance. The French ambassador Marillac had taken the measure of events, however. He had speculated that Cromwell would lose authority in religious matters, while perhaps retaining it in worldly affairs. Those whom Cromwell had put in the shade reserved “une bonne pensée” for him, Marillac said. And Cromwell's close ties to religious radicals (Friar Barnes and the Calais Sacramentarians) provided weapons to his enemies. Norfolk and his conservative friends feared further reformation might provide occasions for new waves of rebellion in a country already under diverse threats at home and abroad. They would not miss their chance to cast down the upstart.

Modern historians have dismissed Marillac's chief point, that Cromwell would fall because he had used his powers to make a ‘party’ in the State. Foxe, Hall and Burnet had seen the king's minister in that light. Many of Cromwell's contemporaries held such views. But the weight of Professor Elton's opinion has lain heavily on the subject. He dismissed Marillac as little more than an ill-in-formed gossip. Then, turning to the evidence of the Act of Attainder passed against Cromwell, the Cambridge wizard treated it with equal severity. Allegations that Cromwell had illegally retained heretical men, in order to have a force with which to defend error with sword in hand, were obviously contrived.

Type
Research Article
Information
Albion , Volume 9 , Issue 4 , Winter 1977 , pp. 316 - 336
Copyright
Copyright © North American Conference on British Studies 1977

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Footnotes

*

Originally read at a panel which included a paper by Professor Seaver and a commentary by Professor MacCaffrey, both of which are included in this issue.

References

1 British Library (B. L.), Harleian Mss. 6074, fo. 57b; 158, fo. 112; 4900, fo. 12. The date of the ceremony was 18 April. Marillac's is in letters written on 10 April and 24 April. See Kaulek, J., ed., De Castillon et de Marillac, Correspondence Politique (Paris, 1885), pp. 175 and 176Google Scholar; also, Ribier, Georges, ed., Lettres et Memoires D'Estat Des Roys, Princes et Ambassadeurs, sous les regnes de Francois I et Henri II et Francois II, 1537-1559, 2 vols. (Paris, 1666), I: 513Google Scholar and Kaulek, pp. 178-179.

2 See my discussion in the Introduction to my Thomas Cromwell on Church and Commonwealth: Selected Letters, 1523-1540 (New York, 1969), pp. xvii–xxiGoogle Scholar.

3 There is a full discussion in the Ph.D. thesis of my student Riegler, Edward, “Thomas Cromwell's Printing Projects, 1535-1540,” UCLA, 1977Google Scholar. For this point and much else that is related to it I am in Dr. Riegler's debt.

4 Elton, G. R., “Thomas Cromwell's Decline and Fall,” Cambridge Historical Journal, X (1951): 150–185CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

5 There is a printed version in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII, ed. Brewer, J.S., Gairdner, James and Brodie, R., 21 vols, in 33 pts. (London, 1852–1910), XV: 498Google Scholar (Hereafter cited as L & P); the best printed text is in Burnet, Gilbert, History of the Reformation of the Church of England, ed. Pocock, N., 7 vols. (Oxford, 1865), IV: 415ffGoogle Scholar. The act was not printed in the Statues at Large, but 32 Henry VIII, cap. 62 was engrossed on the Parliament Roll in the Public Record Office (PRO), C 65/148, no. 60.

6 Elton, , “Thomas Cromwell's Decline and Fall,” pp. 221–226Google Scholar; and Burnett, , History, I: 443ff.Google Scholar

7 Elton, p. 229.

8 Taverner, Richard, The Confession of Faith of the Germans (n.d. [1536?] STC 909)Google Scholar, Prefatory Epistle; see Elton, G.R., Policy and Police (Cambridge, 1972), p. 424Google Scholar. On. Taverner's work with Cromwell, in addition to Dr. Riegler's work see also Yost, John K., “German Protestant Humanism and the Early English Reformation,” Bibliotheque d'humanisme et Rénaissance, XXXII (1970): 613–625Google Scholar. Yost's article refutes the merely Erasmian interpretation of McConica, James K., English Humanists and Reformation Politics under Henry VIII and Edward VI (Oxford, 1965)Google Scholar, a view I I was inclined to accept at the time.

9 Policy and Police, p. 424; for a more measured view, see Elton, , Reform and Renewal (Cambridge, 1973), pp. 34–36Google Scholar.

10 My treatment here rests on the most useful works: Chettle, H. F., “The Burgesses for Calais, 1536-1558,” English Historical Review, L (1935): 492–501CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dillon, Harold A., “Calais and the Pale,” Archeologia, LIII (1893): 289–388CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sandeman, G.A.C., Calais Under English Rule (Oxford, 1908)Google Scholar; and Morgan, P.T.J., “The Government of Calais, 1485-1558,” D. Phil, thesis, Oxford, 1968Google Scholar. On the garrison, I have drawn freely from my own unpublished research paper entitled “The Garrison at Calais, 1485-1558.”

11 In addition to the DNB entry see Nicolas, H.H., Report of Proceedings on Claims to the Barony of L'Isle (London, 1829)Google Scholar.

12 Bush, Michael, “The Lisle-Seymour Land Disputes,” Historical Journal, IX (1966): 255–274CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

13 On Lisle's style see Morgan, pp. 73f. The anxiety about Calais is well covered in the Introduction to Nichols, J. G., The Chronicle of Calais (London, 1846), edited for the Camden SocietyGoogle Scholar.

14 Power, E. E., “The Wool Trade in the 15th Century,” in Power, E.E. and Postan, M.M., Studies in English Trade in the Fifteenth Century (London, 1951), pp. 39–90Google Scholar and also Power, E.E., The Wool Trade in Medieval English History (Oxford, 1941), pp. 86–103Google Scholar.

15 Haward, W. I., “The Financial Transactions Between the Lancastrian Government and the Merchants of the Staple from 1449-1461,” in Power, and Postan, , pp. 293–321Google Scholar. The importance of the Calais Mint as the principal channel for transmitting bullion gained in trade into England has been stressed by Postan, , The Medieval Economy and Society (Berkeley, 1972), pp. 219–220Google Scholar.

16 Chettle, p. 501.

17 Chettle said the disorder at Calais arose from the dislike of English soldiers for assignments there (p. 493). The sources of the troubles ran deeper than that, however. After a steady advance of interest on Cromwell's part since 1532 there was a commission appointed in 1535 under Sir William Fitzwilliam. There was a survey and report filed: B. L., Cottonian Mss., Caligula E II, fos. 213-214. This recommended reform by statute. Such a bill was entered in 1536, as we know from a letter from Sir William Lingston to Lord Lisle, in PRO, SP 3/6, fo. 20. The bill passed the Commons in February 1536: SP 3/8, fo. 44.

18 The Act is 27 Henry VIII, cap. 63 (printed Statutes of the Realm, III: 632–650Google Scholar). This statute is wide-ranging and deals with economic, financial and administrative reforms as well as enfranchisement. Lehmberg, S.E., The Reformation Parliament, 1529-1536 (Cambridge, 1970), p. 240Google Scholar, claims that it was carefully drafted and, had it been adhered to, might have prevented the English collapse in 1558.

19 For the period from the English Conquest to the Papal Concord see Calton, R.B., Annals and Legends of Calais (London, 1852), pp. 1–17Google Scholar; on the situation after 1379 see Chettle, p. 494.

20 Sandeman, p. 106 puts the absentee rate at 50%; he is supported by Dillon, p.326. For the state of the regulars see Morgan, pp. 210ff. The language of the people varied, but French and Flemish were most widely used in the 25 parishes. On efforts to enforce the use of English before Cranmer's elevation see L. & P, V: 1703. Morgan treats this fully (pp. 214 ff.) and is also reliable on early religious unrest, for which see L & P, IV: 5104.

21 The exact date of Butler's appointment is unknowable, but Cranmer addressed a letter to “Mr. Commissarye Butler” as early as 13 January 1534: B.L., Harleian Mss. 6148, fol. 20. Butler's zeal shows through in the account of persecution by Wolf Alard, a German who held strong Protestant opinions: L & P, VII: 585.

22 See Morgan's analysis of Lisle's “party” (p. 225); but see also his strong support of Papist activities in L & P, XIII, ii: 718 as well as Lady Lisle's ceremonial usage in XIII, i: 461 and 462.

23 Coxe, J. E., ed., The Works of Thomas Cranmer, 2 vols., for the Parker Society (London, 1844–1846), II: CLXXXIVGoogle Scholar: Cranmer-Cromwell, 16 February 1537 (Hereafter cited as Works). Cf. Cromwell-Lisle, 17 July 1536, in B.L., Cottonian Mss., Cleopatra E. IV, fo. 55.

24 Ryngley sometimes seemed “well-affected,” but there can be little doubt about the High Marshall, Sir Richard Grenville, or about Sir Thomas Broke, the Customer of Calais; see Dickens, A.G., Thomas Cromwell and the English Reformation (London, 1958), p. 165Google Scholar and also L & P, XIV, i: 1152. See also Foxe, John, Book of Martyrs, The Acts and Monuments of the Church (London, 1851), II: 626–629Google Scholar, and Chettle, pp. 492-501.

25 Acts and Monuments, V: 500Google Scholar.

26 L & P, XIII, ii: 718; also, Morgan, p. 209.

27 B. L., Cottonian Mss., Caligula E. II, fos. 98 and 160a; also, Harleian Mss. 6148, fo. 18.

28 Cox, , Works, II: CXXX (22 January 1535)Google Scholar. He also supported Dr. Hoore and Dr. Campion, in a letter to Lisle dated 4 February 1535: PRO, SP 3/2, fo. 79a.

29 Cox, , Works, II: CLV (8 October 1535)Google Scholar.

30 Despite Morgan's acceptance of rumors from which he concludes Cranmer's chaplains were “very low men” (p. 219), the report that Hoore visited a brothel in Boulogne during the Easter season is sharply partisan and unsubstantiated (cf. L & P, X: 1201).

31 Thomas Garrett (alias Garrard) was recommended to fill the benefice over another candidate for St. Peter's, a man Cranmer called “Not mete in this world of Reformation”; see Cox, , Works, II: CLVGoogle Scholar. Garrett was later executed at Smithfield. Henry Tourney has a living at Calais but seemed in danger of deprivation because of Lisle's displeasure; see Cox, , Works, II: CLIXGoogle Scholar.. Tourney was later a victim in the backlash against Damplip (see below). Cromwell had helped Tourney, Campion and Nichols: Cox, , Works, II: CLXIVGoogle Scholar and PRO, SP 3/2, fo. 75.

32 From February 1535 through December 1538 there were more than a dozen institutions to benefices in the 25 Calais parishes. These are recorded in Cranmer's Register preserved at Lambeth Palace (London). On only two occasions was the cause of vacancy death; while there was only one deprivation cum causa some of the regisnations appear forced to benefit Cranmer's clients. The Crown was the patron of record in every case: see the Register, fos. 345v, 351r, 354v, 355r, 357v, 360v, 361r, 362r, 366r and 377r. Dr. Michael Zell, my former student, has studied Cranmer's use of patronage with some care and writes that “this looks like a real effort on the part of Cranmer (and Cromwell?) to appoint favorers of reform,” in a private communication dated 13 February 1977.1 owe the manuscript notes to Dr. Zell's kindness.

33 John Benolt, Thomas Lancaster, Robert Palmer, George Derby, John Pocock, Tourney, Garrett and Hoore were all brought up on some articles between 1538 and 1542, as was Jerome and also Barnes. Garrett, Barnes and Jerome were originally charged in a draft petition of attainder involving the Calais troubles, at the time of Cromwell's fall, together with Camplip: see the Lords' Journal, pp. 159-160. On the question of Cromwell's patronage of Protestant clerics in general see the work of another of my former students, Block, Joseph, “Church and Commonwealth: Ecclesiastical Patronage during Thomas Cromwell's Ministry,” Phd. thesis, UCLA, 1973Google Scholar, and also his “Thomas Cromwell's Patronage of Preaching,” The Sixteenth Century Journal, VIII (1977): 37–50Google Scholar.

34 PRO, SP 3/2, fo. 76 (28 April 1536) and fo. 78 (8 May). These are Cranmer's replies to the letter from Lisle which is now lost. Cranmer offered to defend Lisle to the King and Council.

35 Cromwell wrote a very conciliatory letter to Lisle on 10 July 1536: see L & P, XI: 55; on the general relationship at the time see Bush, “The Lisle-Seymour Land Disputes.”

36 Doernberg, Erwin, Henry VIII and Luther (Stanford, 1961), pp. 87ffGoogle Scholar; Tjernagel, N.S., Henry VIII and the Lutherans (St. Louis, 1965), pp. 73ffGoogle Scholar. and 120ff. See also Preuser, Heinrich, England und di Schmalkaldener (Leipzig, 1929)Google Scholar.

37 L & P, XII, i: 799; XII, i: 865, 923, 939 and 1032; and XII, ii: 174; also, the Spanish Calendar, V, ii: 140Google Scholar. All touch Pole's mission from February 1537 through its failure five months later.

38 Bush, Michael, “The Problem of the Far North: A Study of the Crisis of 1537 and its Consequences,” Northern History, VI (1971): 55–58Google Scholar; also, MacCaffrey, Wallace T., “The Crown and the New Aristocracy,” Past and Present, No. 35 (1965): 52–64Google Scholar.

39 On Cromwell's warning to Lisle against the support of Papist clergy see B.L., Cottonian Mss. Cleopatra E IV fos. 44 and 55; also, Merriman, R.B., The Life and Letters of Thomas Cromwell, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1902), II: 195Google Scholar; and Cox, , Works, II, CLXXXIV and CXCVIGoogle Scholar.

40 “The king cannot a little marvel to hear of the papistical faction that is maintained in that town and by you chiefly that be of his grace's Council,” in Merriman, II: 194.

41 L & P, XII, ii: 85, 105, 126, 130, 166, 201 and 236.

42 Cox, , Works, II: CXCV and CII (5 August and 16 September 1537)Google Scholar, for the Spelake benefice; on Sandys see B.L., Cottonian Mss. Cleopatra E V, fo. 292 (28 August 1537).

43 The man so hindered was Sir William Grunnowe, a “favorer of God's word,” according to Crammer: Cox, , Works, II: CCVIGoogle Scholar.

44 Idem; the date is 9 October 1537.

45 Cox, , Works, II: CCXXIV and CCXXIXGoogle Scholar; also, L & P, XIII, i: 69.

46 L & P, XIII, i: 91, with a special warning against trusting Thomas Wriothesley, Cromwell's patronage secretary.

47 L & P, XIII, i: 108 (19 January 1538). Buder accused Lisle of maintaining a chaplain who taught the Roman doctrine of purgatory and the efficacy of intercessory prayers for the Pope. He claimed the Mayor was in Lisle's faction. Cromwell reacted vigorously, seeking to block Lisle's exercise of ecclesiastical patronage: L & P, XXX, i: 226. For the praemunire threat see XIII, i: 248.

48 Husee to Lisle, 16 February 1538: L & P, XIII, i: 295. Lisle feared the rumors about his sympathies and sought license to come to England: XIII, i: 421 and 430.

49 L & P, XIII: 461-462 (9 March 1538).

50 Foxe, , Acts and Monuments, V: 495–503Google Scholar, is our source for Damplip.

51 L & P, XIII, i: 510 (15 March).

52 L & P, XIII, i: 511 (15 March).

53 L & P, XIII, i: 564 (21 March; Husee-Lisle); also, see p. 580 (22 March), for explicit mention of the “preacher.”

54 There are several points here. Calais ordinances forbade the settlements of aliens without license (B. L., Cottonian Mss, Faustina E VII, fos. 89-102b and Caligula E II, fos. 160-162a). Cromwell sometimes forced the issue, by preparing licenses for Lisle's signature (Merriman, II: 140). That Butler had only Lisle's word is clear in L & P, XIII, i; 813 (20 April). Cranmer received confirmation on the main points of Butler's report from Campion on 24 April (L & P, XIII, i; 833). On Lady Lisle's practices see pp. 836 and 884; she was in violation of royal injunctions.

55 L & P, XIII, i; 934 (5 May). Butler actually arrested three “papists,” among the group there being one curate whose absentee master held six benefices in addition to four cum cura; he had only one curate to attend to the parishes and two attached chapels.

56 B. L., Cottonian Mss., Titus B I, fo. 499 (April 1538): “the matter of Calais, the great contentions there and disorder among them, and the poverty of the minister.” Husee tried to ease the displeasure: L & P, XIII, i: 902 (2 May 1538).

57 Merriman, II: 260.

58 Ibid, 195.

59 Ibid., p 261 (p. 140).

60 Lisle letter of 8 May is lost, but we can reconstruct it from the reply: Ibid., p. 263 (14 May 1538).

61 Lisle appointed himself in commission with the Mayor, Treasurer, High Marshall and Porter (L & P, XIII, i: 1031). The omission of the alleged “tumult” may reflect Lisle's knowledge that Cromwell was making new Injunctions, in which the taking down of images in an orderly way would have encouragement. These were published 5 September 1538: see Merriman, II: 273 and Wilkins, , Concilia, III: 341Google Scholar.

62 B. L. Royal Mss. 7 C XVI, fo. 257.

63 L & P, XIII, i: 1211, 1213, 1214 and 1215.

64 Ibid., p. 1291.

65 Now lost. There had also been some depositions sent, giving details of Damplip's heresies.

66 Cox, , Works, II: CCXXXI (22 June)Google Scholar.

67 Bishop Fox, in embassy to Germany, had asked the Duke of Saxony to spare an Englishman condemned to death and had been granted the request: Ridley, Jasper, Thomas Cranmer (Oxford, 1962), p. 171Google Scholar.

68 L & P, XIII, i: 1297 (undated; R. Morison-Cromwell); see also 1304-1308.

69 Ibid., 1388 (undated). It cannot be determined whether the book meant was Henry VIII's Defense of the Seven Sacraments (1521) or the 1537 formulary.

70 Merriman, II: 268(16 July).

71 L & P, XIII, i: 1387.

72 Cox, , Works, II: 373 (22 July; with enclosures)Google Scholar.

73 See Burnet, , History, I: ii, AppendixGoogle Scholar; III, nos. vii and xi, pp. 250 and 281.

74 Cox, , Works, II: CCXXXII (24 July)Google Scholar.

75 L & P, XIII, i: 1404.

76 L. & P, XIII, i: 1464 (26 July). Edward Corbett told Cromwell that Lisle had not prevented soldiers hearing Damp lip, but that the Deputy had banished the preacher despite Damplip's showing of his license to preach at Calais. Corbett also told Cromwell of the hospitality shown Damplip at Lambeth by Cranmer.

77 L & P, XIII, ii: Appendix no. 30 (undated; I would place this ca. 20 July 1538).

78 L & P, XIII, ii: 16(2 August).

79 Ibid., p. 33 (4 August).

80 Cox, , Works, II: CCXXXV (15 August)Google Scholar.

81 See the full discussion in Brooks, Peter, Thomas Cranmer's Doctrine of the Eucharist (New York, 1965), pp. 5–8, 10 and 14–19Google Scholar. This is much more convincing than Ridley, pp. 166-177.

82 Cox, , Works, II: CCXXXVI (18 August)Google Scholar.

83 L & P, XIII, ii: 523 (3 October) and 538 (5 October).

84 L & P, XIII, ii: 222 (30 August); this shows how John Gostwyk excused himself for having once spoken favorably of Dove.

85 L & P, XIII, ii: 897 (22 November).

86 L & P, XIII, ii: 248 (undated), in Wriothesley's hand.

87 B. L., Cottonian Mss., Cleopatra E V, fo. 298 (4 September) and L & P, XIII, ii: 339 (13 September).

88 L & P, XXIII, ii: 281.

89 The exact date of the grant of the license (a Privy Seal) is not apparent. Husee had been sceptical about the immediate prospects on 2 August (L & P, XXX, ii: 16). But on the 27th he wrote to Lady Lisle to say that he was sending over “my Lord's license to come” (ibid., 202). On the 30th, Cromwell wrote to Lisle some instructions concerning the trip to Dover (ibid., p. 227). Lisle wrote to his wife from Canterbury, cheered by the kindness shown to him by Henry VIII (L & P, XIII, ii: 296; 7 September), and on the next day he told Lady Lisle of a promise of £400 in annuity (p. 302). John Husee wrote on the same day, telling Lady Lisle that Cromwell had been very gracious to Lord Lisle (p. 303). Cromwell entertained Lisle personally, having him as his house guest at Dover for several days (p. 317) while also promising the “Friars' house with all the lands, etc. at Calais for life” (Idem). But Lisle had a deep grudge against Cranmer and Butler, promising to “get even” with them(L & P, XIII, ii: 317 [p. 124]). There are dozens of references to the peace between Cromwell and Lisle, but see no. 434 (27 September). The King had apparently reneged on the promise of £400, and Husee reported that Cromwell was doing all in his power to favor Lisle and spare him public embarrassment, it having been bruited that the annuity would be £400 per annum. Even Wriothesley was being helpful (p. 435).

90 Wilkins, , Concilia, III: 836Google Scholar.

91 L & P, XIII, ii: 623 (16 October) and 644 (18 October).

92 L & P, XIII, ii: 703 (28 October) and 778 (7 November).

93 Ibid., p. 834 (14 November).

94 B. L., Cottonian Mss., Titus B I, fo. 257.

95 L & P, XIII, ii: 849 (16 November).

96 B. L., Cottonian Mss., Cleopatra E V, fo. 371.

97 L & P, XIII, ii: 851 (16 November). Lambert started his career under the patronage of Catherine of Aragon, after being recommended by the Master and Fellows of his Cambridge college (Queen's): B. L., Harleian Mss. 7048, fo. 18. He was executed on 22 November 1538: L & P, XIII, ii: 899.

98 Wilkins, , Concilia, III: 776Google Scholar; also, L & P, XIII, ii: 890. The best text is in Hughes, Paul L. and Larkin, J. F., Tudor Royal Proclamations 3 vols. (New Haven, 1964–1969), I, no. 186, pp. 270–276Google Scholar.

99 L & P, XIII, ii: 991 (5 December).

100 Cromwell persisted in efforts to put into offices and benefices at Calais men he considered to be trustworthy Protestants. Two good cases in point are Thomas Broke, Customer at the Lantern Gate, and John Skip, who was made Royal Almoner there and collector of the king's debts: see L & P, XIII, ii: 967, nos. 17 and 23. Broke was anathema to the Lisles: ii: 975. See also other evidence of garrison patronage in ii: 1124.

101 L & P, XIII, ii: 943 and 955-957. The Lisles were bitterly resentful over Cromwell's tactics in their continuing suits at Court, for which see L & P, XIII, ii: 893, 898-899,926, 930 and 981.

102 L & P, XIII, ii: 963, for Sampson's deposition on his dealings with de la Warre. On the Paris Bible, I recently gave a paper before the Conference on Sixteenth Century Studies entitled “Cromwell, the Constable of France and the English Bible: The Rochepot Affair.” The Journal of Sixteenth Century History has accepted it for publication. Lisle's role in the seizure of the Paris printing is explored there in full.

103 Lisle had lacked caution to the point of considering the nomination for places in the garrison of suspected persons. Sir William Fitzwilliam, Earl of Southampton and Lord Admiral, who was also the half-brother of Lisle's conservative court friend, Sir Antony Browne, had warned Lisle against that course. The King and Council were gravely concerned over security at Calais: see L & P, XIII, ii: 1006, 1035 and 1040-1041.

Lisle was put in the Tower under suspicion of treason in May 1540, as part of Cromwell's effort to settle scores with those who had allowed a factional situation favorable to Roman influence to develop at Calais. The Deputy was allowed to come over in April, on the pretext of consulting about the burgesses from Calais. One of Lisle's own servants had given testimony that others in the Deputy's faction intended to conquer Calais “for Rome.” A bill of attainder against Lisle was introduced on 17 July, but by that time Cromwell himself was under sentence of death. Lisle escaped execution, though he died in disgrace in 1542. On this episode see Lehmberg, S.E., The Later Parliaments of Henry VIII (Cambridge, 1977), pp. 105–113CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

104 The phrase was used by Myles Coverdale in a letter to Cromwell on 13 December 1538: B.L., Harleian Mss. 604, fo. 112. Henry's personal feelings against the people caught in the several bills of attainder in 1540 is evident in this fact: though he issued a general pardon which excluded those convicted of treason, his 1540 pardon Act redundantly supplied a short list of those for whom their could be no pardon: Cromwell and Lisle headed the list; their names were followed by those of Damplip and the others implicated in the disorders at Calais (Lehmberg, p. 118.)