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³ See Barbara Shapiro, “Classical Rhetoric and the Anglo-American Criminal Law of Evidence,” conference paper American Society for Legal History, October 29-31, 1992, Yale University.

⁴ The distinction is summarized in the civil law proverb, “You give me the facts, I give you the law” (Da mihi facto dabo tibi ius) and in the numerous procedural manuals which developed from the twelfth century onward.

⁵ See Arnold, Morris S., “Law and Fact in the Medieval Jury Trial: Out of Sight, Out of Mind,” American Journal of Legal History 18 (1974): 268–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Milsom, F. F. C., “Law and Fact in Legal Development,” University of Toronto Law Review 17 (1969): 1–19Google Scholar; Lee, Jerome, “The Law-Fact Distinction: From Trial by Ordeal to Trial by Jury,” AIPLA Quarterly Journal 12 (1984): 288–94Google Scholar. Plucknett, T., Concise History of the Common Law (3rd ed.; London, 1940), pp. 369–70Google Scholar; Thayer, James Bradley, Preliminary Treatise on Evidence at the Common Law (1898; repr. New York, 1969), pp. 183–261Google Scholar.

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⁷ Baker, J. H., ed., Reports of Sir John Spelman, 2 vols., Selden Society (London, 1977–1978), 2: 106Google Scholar, citing Debellacyon of Salem and Bizance, pp. 42–43. In special verdicts, where jurors agreed to the facts, judges determined both law and facts. The division of labor between judge and jury occasionally led to public discussion, as when the Leveller John Lilbume insisted juries might judge law as well as fact. During the 1660s judicially imposed fines for “incorrect verdicts” were thought to usurp the to be usurping the fact-finding role of juries. See Green, Thomas, Verdict According to Conscience (Chicago, 1985)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹³ Juries could reach verdicts in the absence of any evidence presented in court. Increasingly, how-ever, jurors were expected to testify to their knowledge in court, in the manner of witnesses.

¹⁴ Baker, , Reports of Spelman, 2: 112Google Scholar citing a case of 1465. For changing jury instructions see Shapiro, Barbara, “Beyond Reasonable Doubt” and “Probable Cause”: Historical Studies in the Anglo-American Law of Evidence (Berkeley & Los Angeles, 1991): pp. 1–41Google Scholar.

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²⁰ Ibid., pp. 128, 130.

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⁴³ Hakluyt, Richard, Principal Navigations, Voyages and Discoveries of the English Nation (1598; London, 1972)Google Scholar. This “history,” as it was called by Hakluyt, was largely a collection of official documents, personal letters and first hand accounts. He noted that he occasionally consulted “some strangers as witnesses of the things done,” but only “such as either faithfully remember or sufficiently confirm the travels of our own people.” Quoted pp. 33–34 from preface to the first edition. Dampier combined physical description and ethnography. See Dampier, , A New Voyage around the World (London, 1697)Google Scholar; Dampier, , Voyages and Descriptions (London, 1699)Google Scholar. See also Ray, John, Observations Topographical, Moral and Physiological: Made in a Journey (London, 1673), p. 43Google Scholar. The descriptive travel genre was not peculiarly English. See de Acosta, Jose, The Natural and Moral History of the Indies (1609)Google Scholar. See also Pagdon, Anthony “Ius et Factum: Text and Experience in the Writings of Bartolome de Las Casas,” New World Encounters, ed. Greenblatt, Stephen (Berkeley, 1991), pp. 91, 94Google Scholar.

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⁵¹ Bacon, as Lord Chancellor, was, of course, familiar with the common law as well as the civil and common law features of Chancery procedure. Several scholars have explored the extent to which Bacon's inductive method is indebted to his legal experience. See Kocher, Paul, “Francis Bacon on the Science of Jurisprudence,” Journal of the History of Ideas 18 (1957): 3–26CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Kocher focused Bacon's adaptation of the legal maxim to the scientific axiom and suggests that the inductive method which proceeds through negative instances and exclusions to reach knowledge was to found in Bacon's legal writings some 20 years before it appeared in the Novum Organum. Harvey Wheeler, argues that the Baconian procedure of negation and exclusion to affirm the positive had its origin in Bacon's “Reading on the Statute of Uses” and that the process of adjudication correspond to the procedures in Bacon's new logic of inquiry. The case method of “ferreting out the dictates of the unwritten law out of existing precedents and the rules of evidence for trying a defendant” is viewed as analogous to Bacon's scientific procedure. Kenneth Carswell suggests the Chancery inquisitorial writ as a model for interrogating nature. He suggests nature is cast in the position of a suspect and the natural philosopher as an examining magistrate in a inquisitorial criminal trial. He points out that the Novum Organum consistently employed the term inquisition which English translators have variously translated as “examination,” “investigation,” or “inquiry.” “The Art of Discovery Grows with Discovery,” in Francis Bacon's Legacy of Texts, ed. Sessions, William A. (New York, 1990)Google Scholar. See also Neustadt, Mark, “The Making of the Instauration: Science, Politics and Law in the Career of Francis Bacon,” Ph.D. diss., Johns Hopkins University, 1987Google Scholar. Julian Martin like Cardwell, emphasizes the legal “schedule of interrogatories,” but focuses on Star Chamber rather than Chancery (Francis Bacon, the State, and the Reform of Natural Philosophy [Cambridge, 1992])Google Scholar. For a recent discussion of Bacon's jurisprudence see Coquillette, Daniel, Francis Bacon (Stanford, 1992)Google Scholar.

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⁵³ Bacon, New Organon, Book I, Aphorism xcviii, ibid., 4: 94. Rumour and common fame were legal terms discussed in legal texts as early as Bracton.

⁵⁴ Bacon, “Great Instauration,” ibid., 4: 19.

⁵⁵ Bacon, “Preparative,” Aphorism ix, ibid., p. 261; “Parasceve,” (Latin), ibid., 1: 402.

⁵⁶ Bacon, “Great Instaruation,” ibid., 4: 32.

⁵⁷ See “The Great Instauration,” ibid., 4: 12, 19, 32; “New Organon,” Bk. I, aphorism cxii, ibid., 4: 102; aphorism cxxiv, 4: 110. See also 1: 203, 218; 4: 123. He also employed de facto naturae (ibid., 1: 210, and referred to the “inquisition of the fact itself [inquisitio facti ipsius], ibid., 4: 123; 1: 232. See also “Preparative,” aphorism ix, 4: 261.

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⁵⁹ Bacon, “Parasceve,” Aphorism viii, ibid., 4: 260.

⁶⁰ “Great Instauration,” ibid., 4: 291.

⁶¹ But see Daston, Lorraine, “Baconian Facts, Academic Civility and the Prehistory of Objectivity,” Annals of Scholarship (1992): 337–62Google Scholar; Dear, Peter, “From Truth to Disinterestedness in the Seventeenth Century,” Social Studies of Science 22 (1992): 619–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dear, Peter, “Narratives, Anecdotes and Experiments: Turning Experience into Science in the Seventeenth Century,” in Dear, , ed., The Literary Structure of Scientific Argument (Philadelphia, 1991), pp. 135–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁶³ Ibid., p. 100. Reports were to emphasize the firsthand observation and experience of the speaker. The use of the first person active voice, noticed recently by Peter Dear is, of course, precisely what was required of a witness describing an event to a jury or judge. Dear notes that circumstantial detail was often provided to enhance the sense of the actuality of the event. And so it was in the courtroom, where judges frequently reminded juries to consider the evidence and the circumstances in reaching their verdict. Dear, Peter, “Totius in verba: Rhetoric and Authority in the Early Royal Society,” Isis 76 (1985): 145–61Google Scholar. For Robert Hooke's use of of the “circumstances” in connection with natural facts see Philosophical Experiments (London, 1677), p. 75Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ Glanvill, Joseph, A Prefactory Answer to Mr. Henry Stubbe, (London, 1671), pp. 143–44, 146Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ Glanvill, Joseph, Scepsis Scientifica (London, 1665), p. 118Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ Glanvill, Joseph, Essays on Several Important Subjects in Philosophy and Religion (London, 1676)Google Scholar, Essay II, pp. 49–50.

⁶⁷ Ibid, Essay VI, pp. 48–49, 56; Essay I, p. 15.

⁶⁸ Glanvill, Joseph, Scepsis Scientifica (London, 1665)Google Scholar, Address to the Royal Society.

⁶⁹ Ray, John, Wisdom of God (London, 1691)Google Scholar, Address to the Royal Society. In presenting engraving of natural objects Evelyn included nothing “but what either the Author has seen himself, or has received of unquestionable testimony for it.” Evelyn, John, Sylva (London, 1664)Google Scholar, preface.; Hooke, Robert, “Cometa,” in Lectiones Cutlerianae (London, 1678), p. 34Google Scholar; An Attempt to Prove the Motion of the Earth from Observation (London, 1674)Google Scholar, preface; Philosophical Transactions (1665–1666), p. 65Google ScholarPubMed; Hooke, , Micrographia (London, 1665)Google Scholar, preface; Hooke, , Philosophical Experiments and Observations, pp. 27–28Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ Willughby's Ornithology promised to include only those “particulars” as could “warrant upon our knowledge and experience, or where we have assurance by the testimony of good Authors or sufficient Witnesses,” preface. See also Whyche, Peter, History of the River Nile (London, 1669)Google Scholar, preface. The author of The Four Footed Beast (London, 1668)Google Scholar promised to related only that which had been substantiated by two or three witnesses. If he relied on a single testimony “the matter was clear and needeth not farther probation” (Dedicatory Letter). Ralph Bohun's report on winds distinguished the historical part or “matter of fact” from conjecture and hypothesis (A Discourse Concerning the Origine and Properties of Wind [Oxford, 1671]), preface. See also Power, Henry, Experimental Philosophy (London, 1664), p. 58Google Scholar; Tyson, Edward, Orang-Outang (London, 1669)Google Scholar.

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⁷³ Wilkins, John, The Principles and Duties of Natural Religion (London, 1675), pp. 26–27Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ Power, Experimental Philosophy, preface; see also p. 72; Hooke, Lectiones Cutlerianae, pp. 38-39; see also, “Cometa,” in ibid., p. 34; John Ray, Philosophical Letters, (London, 1718), p. 62; Willis, Thomas, The Anatomy of the Brain in Dr. Willis' Practice of Physick (London, 1681)Google Scholar, preface, p. 136.

⁷⁵ Shapin, Steven and Schaffer, Simon, Leviathan and the Air Pump: Hobbes, Boyle and the Experimental Life (Princeton, 1985)Google Scholar; Shapin, Steven, “The House of Experiment in Seventeenth-Century England,” Isis 79 (1988): 373–404CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Shapin, Steven, “Pump and Circumstance: Robert Boyle's Literary Technology,” Social Studies of Science 14 (1984): 481–520CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Frederick O. Toole, “Robert Boyle's Concept of Science and Nature,” unpublished paper.

⁷⁶ Sargent, Rose-Mary, “Scientific Experiment and Legal Expertise: The Way of Experience in Seventeenth-Century England,” Studies in the History and Philosophy of Science 20 (1989): 19–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Sargent argues that there were substantial similarities in legal and scientific concepts of “experience.” The legal emphasis on “moral certainty,” however, was centered on particular facts, rather than the legal principles and most lawyers recognized that the law changed over time with human practice. They also tended to admit that different legal principles, e.g. those of the civil law, might be applied to the same set of legal issues and facts. Most judges would not have recognized their activity as “interpreting fact.” It is difficult to see how Coke's distinction between ordinary reason and the reason of the law, accessible only to judges and lawyers of long experience, can be equated to Boyle's understanding of reason and the reasoning faculties.

⁷⁷ Boyle, Robert, General Heads for a History of a Country (London, 1692), p. 1Google Scholar.

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⁸⁴ Boyle, , Christian Virtuoso, pp. 72–73Google Scholar. Boyle was in error about English law. Many were were convicted on the basis of a single witness and some without any witnesses. The two witness rule was characteristic of the canon and civil law.

⁸⁵ The site for experimentation has also been explored by Shapin, . “The House of Experiment in Seventeenth Century England,” Isis 79 (1986): 373–404CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Shapin suggests that if many experiments were performed before the assembled Royal Society, others, required smaller, even private, yet legitimate venues which allowed for the production of reliable knowledge. English legal experience may have provided an analog in this respect as well. Common law cases were argued publicly by counsel at Westminster and then adjourned to the localities for jury deliberation on matters of fact. Juries and judges assembled in a variety of venues as judges toured their circuits. The judicial activities of quarter and especially petty sessions conducted by justices of the peace often took place in private or semiprivate locations, the latter often in the justice's home. One might also speculate on the similarity of language in the legal and experimental “trial” or “tryal.”

⁸⁶ Quoted in Westfall, “Unpublished Papers of Robert Boyle,” p. 67.

⁸⁷ Boyle, Robert, Hydrostatical Paradoxes (London, 1666)Google Scholar, preface.

⁸⁸ Ibid., preface; The Experimental History of Colors (1661), in Works, 1: 662Google ScholarPubMed; The Spring of Air (London, 1662)Google ScholarPubMed, preface; Certain Physiological Essays (1661), in Works, 1: 302Google ScholarPubMed. M. B. Hall has suggested that Boyle may have modified his views of hypothesis, initially feeling that his experiments “illustrated” the corpuscular philosophy and later claiming that they could prove it (“Science in the Early Royal Society,” p. 73). For Boyle's distinction between “good” and “excellent” hypotheses see Westfall, “Unpublished Boyle Papers,” p. 70.

⁸⁹ See Rorty, Richard, Philosophy and the Mirror of Nature (Princeton, 1979)Google Scholar. For a critique see Barbara Shapiro, “Objectivity, Modernism and the Scientific Revolution—Some Problems,” paper delivered to American Historical Association and the History of Science Society, December 1992.

⁹⁰ Grotius, Hugo, The Truth of Christian Religion (London, 1680), p. 21Google Scholar. See also pp. 55–56. Proofs for “natural religion,” unlike the proofs for Revelation, relied on inferences from “circumstantial evidence” rather than testimony.

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⁹² For legal uses of the concept of moral certainty see Shapiro, Beyond Reasonable Doubt and Probable Cause; idem, “‘To a Moral Certainty’: Theories of Knowledge and Anglo-Anerican Juries 1600–1850,” Hastings Law Journal 38 (1986): 153–93.

⁹³ Stillingfleet, Edward, Origines Sacrae (London, 1662), pp. 110–12, 229–31, 235, 237–40Google Scholar. See also SirHale, Matthew, The Primitive Origination of Mankind, p. 129Google Scholar; Parker, Samuel, A Demonstration of the Divine Authority of the Law of Nature and of the Christian Religion (London, 1681)Google Scholar; SirWolseley, Charles, Unreasonableness of Atheism Made Manifest (3rd ed.; London, 1675)Google Scholar; Wolseley, , The Reasonableness of Scripture Belief (London, 1672)Google Scholar.

⁹⁴ According to Evelyn, Reason had been given by God “to judge and determine the truth of things.…Had it not been originally manifest, and evidence bright as the meridian sun, that such things were done as they relate, the world would never have embraced them.…And since all cannot be eye-witnesses on what passed, let it suffice that we have the suffrage of all who are gone before and which common reason makes to be as authentick evidence as our senses.” Evelyn, John, History of Religion, p. 393Google Scholar; see also p. 292. The reference to evidence as bright as the noonday sun was a commonplace in medieval and early modern jurisprudence.

⁹⁵ Glanvill refers both to the legal distinction between “matters of fact” and “matters of law” and to the jury. Although matters of law required learned expertise, “in matter of fact, we put ourselves upon an ordinarie June, not doubting, if the evidence prove fair, the witnesses of faith unquestioned, and the Records without suspicion of imposture,…” that they might make confident decisions. “No man that is to be returned to the present Jury, but may be able to give up his verdict” unless he is without passion or prejudice. Glanvill, Joseph, Seasonable Defense of Reason in the Affairs of Religion (London, 1670), pp. 8–10Google Scholar.

⁹⁶ See Boyle, Robert, The Christian Virtuoso, pp. 51, 55–56, 72–74, 81–83Google Scholar. For matter of fact in history and law see ibid., pp. 60–62.

⁹⁷ Wilkins, John, The Principles and Duties of Natural Religion (London, 1675)Google Scholar; Shapiro, Barbara, John Wilkins: An Intellectual Biography (Berkeley, 1968)Google Scholar; idem, Probability and Certainty, pp. 82–101.

⁹⁸ Locke, John, The Reasonableness of Christianity (London, 1690)Google Scholar. See also Tillotson, John, The Rule of Faith (London, 1666)Google Scholar; Stillingfleet, Edward, A Rational Account of the Grounds of the-Protestant Religion (London, 1665)Google Scholar; idem, A Discourse on the Nature and Grounds of Certainty of Faith (London, 1688).

⁹⁹ For a somewhat earlier effort to develop the role of matter of fact based on testimony and experiment into a larger epistemological scheme see Wilkins, Natural Religion; Shapiro, Probability and Certainty; Van Leeuwen, Henry, The Problem of Certainty in English Thought 1630–1690 (The Hague, 1963)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For Wilkins the Understanding was capable of apprehending both general and particular “objects of knowledge,” present and absent and was to judge of truth or falsehood. One kind of evidence brought to the understanding was from the nature of things, another from testimony in matters of fact. The latter came into play “when we depend upon the credit and relation of others for the truth or Falsehood of any things.” This included “matters of fact” and accounts of persons and places at a distance. “Evidences” were more or less clear according to the authority and credit of the witness. In addition there was a mixed kind of evidence that related to both sense and understanding. This depends on “our own observations and repeated trials of the issues and events of Actions of things, called Experience.” Although matters of fact were incapable of being proved by “scientifical Principles” yet there were many things in moral and natural philosophy as true and as “firmly believed” as mathematical principles. Experiment and observations could, under the best and most careful circumstances, be “firmly believed” (Natural Religion, pp. 4, 25.

¹⁰⁰ John Locke, Essay Concerning the Human Understanding, Bk. 4, ch. 15, s. 2.

¹⁰¹ Ibid, Bk. 4, ch. 15, s. 5.

¹⁰² Ibid. Bk. 4, ch. 16, s. 6. The highest degree of probability exists when one had the general consent of all men in all ages and “these concur with the constant experience in like cases, to confirm the Truth of any particular matter of fact attested by fair Witnesses.…” These, for Locke, included the constitutions and Properties of Bodies and the “regular proceedings of Causes and Effects in the ordinary course of Nature…” (ibid). The next degree, “confidence,” exists when one finds one's own experience and the agreement of others is so and the “particular instances of it is attested by many and undoubted Witnesses” Thus if all historians wrote that Tiberius did a specific thing “it is extremely probable” (ibid, Bk. 4, ch. 16, s. 6–7. A third level of probability involved “things that happen indifferently,” that is a bird that might fly in one direction or another. Here when the “particular matter of fact is vouched by the concurrent Testimony of unsuspected Witnesses, there Assent is also unavoidable.” If related by credible and uncontradicted historians, “A Man…can as little doubt of it, as he does of the Being and Actions of his own Acquaintance, whereof he himself is a Witness.” All three carry “so much evidence with it, that it naturally determines the Judgement and leaves us as little liberty to believe…as Demonstration…” (ibid., Bk. 4, ch. 16, s. 8–9).

¹⁰³ Ibid., Bk. 4, ch. 16, s. 9.

¹⁰⁴ Ibid., Bk. 4, ch. 16, s. 10.

¹⁰⁵ Ibid., Bk. 4, ch. 16, s. 10.