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Castles, Constables, and Politics in Late Twelfth-Century English Governance

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 June 2017

Richard R. Heiser
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By 1190, King Richard I of England (1189-1199) had departed for the Third Crusade and had settled on William Longchamp, royal chancellor and bishop of Ely, as the chief justiciar, the king’s regent during the royal absence. But before Richard had even left the European continent, Longchamp’s justiciarship had provoked a powerful reaction from those subjected to it. The hue and cry lifted against the chief justiciar by leaders of the revolt that ousted him included accusations that Longchamp filled England and its offices with “foreigners and unknown men” and that he ruled without the appares, associates whom Richard had included in the regency to assist the chief justiciar. Recent research has shown that the latter charge is patently untrue but the former, utilizing foreigners and others unfamiliar with England and its government, was fundamentally true, at least with regard to justice and the shrievalties. Does Longchamp’s style of management repeat itself with castles and what were the implications for him, the kingdom, and the king? A cursory glance at events during his justiciarship shows that castles played a large role in the narrative, from the massacre of the Jews at York Castle to the arrest of Archbishop Geoffrey at Dover Castle. Though the evidence is of a more tentative nature than that for judicial activity and shrievalties, Longchamp employed in this critical position men close to him, both personal dependents and tested curial servants, a pattern of appointment markedly different from that of the king. Richard I’s practices benefited the baronage, but the chancellor’s determination to bring as many castles as possible under his direct control worked to alienate the chief justiciar from his subjects and disastrously eroded his power base.

Type
Research Article
Information
Albion , Volume 32 , Issue 1 , Spring 2000 , pp. 19 - 36
Copyright
Copyright © North American Conference on British Studies 2000

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Footnotes

1

I would like to acknowledge several who have helped me think through this piece, and they include Ralph V. Turner, the late Thomas K. Keefe, Emilie Amt, and David B. Balfour.

References

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3 West, Francis J., The Justiciarship in England, 1066-1232 (Cambridge, 1966), p. 72CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Heiser, Richard, “The Households of the Justiciars of Richard I: An Inquiry into the Second Level of Medieval English Governance,” Haskins Society Journal 2 (1990): 232Google Scholar; Heiser, Richard, “The Sheriffs of Richard I: Trends of Management as Seen in the Shrieval Appointments for 1189 to 1194,” Haskins Society Journal 4 (1992): 113–16.Google Scholar

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6 H.K.W., 2: 561. Berkhampstead Castle was granted to Geoffrey fitz Peter in 1205 generating £400 per annum, and it was considered an important fortress in John’s arsenal during the rebellion. See, Turner, Ralph V., Men Raised From the Dust: Administrative Service and Upward Mobility in Angevin England (Philadelphia, 1988), pp. 58–59Google Scholar; Painter, Sidney, The Reign of King John (Baltimore, 1949), pp. 39, 360.Google Scholar

7 Brown, “Castle-Building,” pp. 40-41. This was most pronounced in John’s reign.

8 Winchester Castle was one of medieval England’s most important treasuries; criminals are found being moved from castle to castle throughout the pipe rolls, and Corfe Castle was known as a prison (H.K.W., 2: 616-17). Of course, the Tower was also known as a safe place to keep criminals. Pounds says, “Without exception the shrieval castle became the county gaols” (Pounds, Medieval Castle, p. 99).

9 Young, Charles R., The Royal Forests of Medieval England (Philadelphia, 1979), pp. 51–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar; H.K.W., 2: 776, 821.

10 Beauchamp Cartulary Charters, 1100-1268, ed. Mason, Emma, Pipe Roll Society, n.s. 43 (London, 1971-73), p. liiGoogle Scholar; The Great Roll of the Pipe for the Second Year of the Reign of King Richard the First, ed. Doris M. Stenton, Pipe Roll Society, n.s. 1, (London, 1925), p. 24. (hereafter cited as P.R. 2 Ric. I); The Great Roll of the Pipe for the Sixth Year of the Reign of King Richard the First, ed. Doris M. Stenton, Pipe Roll Society, n.s. 5, (London, 1928), p. 127. (hereafter cited as P.R. 6 Ric. I)

11 Pounds, Medieval Castle, pp. 96-97.

12 P.R. 2 Ric. I, p. 58.

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14 Turner, Ralph V., plenary address, Haskins Society conference, Cornell University (November 1998)Google Scholar.

15 H.K.W., 2: 558, 771-72, 888; Pounds, Medieval Castle, pp. 78, 96; Painter, King John, p. 70; Ancient Charters, Royal and Private, Prior to 1200, ed. J. H. Round, Pipe Roll Society, vol. 10 (London, 1840-44), p. 91.

16 Henry II did not recognize the archbishops’ claims to this castle during his reign, and it was not until Hubert Walter pursued it that the right was successfully defended. See Gervase of Canterbury: Historical Works, ed. Stubbs, William, Rolls Series, 2 vols. (London, 1879-80), 2: 409Google Scholar; Cheney, C. R., Hubert Walter (Stanford, Cal., 1967), p. 50Google Scholar; Young, Charles R., Hubert Walter, Lord of Canterbury and Lord of England (Durham, N.C., 1968), p. 73Google Scholar; H.K.W., 2: 806-07].

17 Bond, “Constables of Windsor Castle,” p. 242; H.K.W., 1: 52.

18 H.K.W., 1:52.

19 Lapsely, Gaillard, “Some Castle Officers in the Twelfth Century,” English Historical Review 33 (1918): 348–59Google Scholar; Bond, “Constables of Windsor Castle,” p. 227.

20 I.e. Brown, “Castle-Building”; H.K.W.; Pounds, Medieval Castle; Bond, “Constables of Windsor Castle”; Lapsely, “Some Castle Officers”; Strickland, War and Chivalry; Morillo, Warfare under the Anglo-Norman Kings.

21 I.e. Hugh Bardolf received money as custodian of Kenilworth Castle (P.R. 2 Ric. I, p. 44), and John fitz Godfrey received money to repair the royal castle and houses at Colchester (The Great Roll of the Pipe of the Third and Fourth Years of the Reign of King Richard the First, ed. Doris M. Stenton, Pipe Roll Society, n.s. 2, (London, 1926), p. 171. (hereafter cited as P.R. 3/4 Ric. I)

22 Giraldi Camhrensis Opera, Brewer, J. S., Dimock, J. F., and Warner, G. F., eds., Rolls Series, 8 vols. (London, 1861-91), 4: 387–93Google Scholar. The pipe roll of 1194 identifies him as custodian of Dover, as he was restored to this post after the king’s return from German captivity (P.R. 6 Ric. I, p. 242).

23 P.R. 2 Ric. 1, pp. 37, 136; P.R. 3/4 Ric. I, pp. 85, 195.

24 P.R. 2 Ric. I, pp. 48, 144; P.R. 3/4 Ric. I, pp. 29, 34, 78, 81.

25 P.R. 2 Ric. I, pp. 36, 37, 58; P.R. 3/4 Ric. I, pp. 24, 92.

26 P.R. 2 Ric. I, pp. 2, 18, 26; P.R. 3/4 Ric. I, p. 29; Turner, Ralph V., “Simon of Pattishall, Northamptonshire Man, Early Common Law Judge,” Northamptonshire Past and Present 6 (1978): 5–14Google Scholar; Giraldi Cambrensis, 4: 387-93, 406; Rolls or Fragments of Rolls From the Years 1199, 1202, 1203-06, Vol. 3 of Pleas Before the King or His Justices, 1198-1212, ed. Stenton, Doris M., Selden Society, 83 (London, 1967), pp. lxi, cxxxvi–cxxxviiiGoogle Scholar; Appleby, England Without Richard, pp. 47, 72.

27 P.R. 2 Ric. I, pp. 2, 15, 18, 37, 44; P.R. 3/4 Ric. I, pp. 61, 275.

28 Heiser, Richard, “The Royal Familiares of King Richard I,” Medieval Prosopography 10 (1989): 39, 46.Google Scholar

29 Heiser, Richard R., “Richard I and His Appointments to English Shrievalties,” English Historical Review 112 (1997): 11.Google Scholar

30 Gesta Regis Henrici Secundi Benedicti Abbatis, ed. William Stubbs, Rolls Series, 4 vols. (London, 1867), 2: 90-91.

31 P.R. 2 Ric. I, pp. 58, 89.

32 P.R. 2 Ric. I, pp. 24, 37, 44.

33 P.R. 2 Ric. I, pp. 36, 66, 144.

34 Keefe, Thomas K., “Proffers for Heirs and Heiresses in the Pipe Rolls: Some Observations on Indebtedness in the Years Before Magna Carta (1180-1212),” Haskins Society Journal 5 (1993): 102.Google Scholar

35 Gillingham, John, Richard the Lionheart (London, 1978), p. 134.Google Scholar

36 Heiser, “Richard I and English Shrievalties,” p. 2.

37 H.K.W., 2: 553; The Great Roll of the Pipe for the First Year of the Reign of King Richard the First, A.D. 1189-1190, ed. Joseph Hunter, Record Commission (London, 1844), pp. 232, 240 (hereafter cited as P.R. 1 Ric. I); Mortimer, Richard, “The Family of Rannulf de Glanville,” Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 54 (1981): 4–5, 7–8.Google Scholar

38 P.R.1 Ric. I, p. 171; P.R. 2 Ric. I, p. 117.

39 Pounds, Medieval Castle, pp. 78, 96; H.K.W., 2: 558, 771-72, 888; P.R. 2 Ric. 1, pp. 45, 124, 144; P.R. 3/4 Ric. I, p. 195.

40 The same pattern holds for sheriffs. Whereas Henry II had placed curial servants in many shrievalties, Richard I removed them in favor of local notables. The curial sheriff was never a major force when the king appointed sheriffs in 1189 and 1194 (Heiser, “Richard I and Shrieval Appointments,” pp. 11-13; see also “Sheriffs of Richard I” article to see contrast between royal appointment patterns and that of justiciars).

41 E.g. William Longchamp at Cambridge Castle, Bishop Hugh of Coventry at Montsorrel and Kenil-worth castles, Simon de Pattishall at Northampton Castle, William de Braose at certain Welsh castles, Gilbert de Lacy at Scarborough Castle, William de Beauchamp at Worcester Castle, and Ralph fitz Guy Extraneus at Church Stretton Castle on Shropshire’s Welsh frontier (H.K.W., 2: 583, 888; P.R. 2 Ric. I, pp. 26, 37, 48, 112, 124).

42 Turner, Ralph V., The English Judiciary in the Age of Glanvill and Bracton, c. 1176-1239 (Cambridge, 1985), p. 42CrossRefGoogle Scholar; List of Sheriffs for England and Wales: From Earliest Times to A.D. 1831, P.R.O, Lists and Indexes, no. 9 (London, 1898), p. 6.

43 Strickland, War and Chivalry, p. 204; Morillo, Warfare under the Anglo-Norman Kings, pp. 96-97.

44 Before analyzing Longchamp’s appointments, it must be stated that though some new names surface during his justiciarship, a conclusion that he appointed them may be hasty, given the rickety nature of the records on constables.

45 P.R. 3/4 Ric. I, pp. 29, 34, 78, 81.

46 P.R. 3/4 Ric. 1, pp. 24, 29, 34.

47 P.R. 2 Ric. I, pp. 15, 37; P.R. 3/4 Ric. I, pp. 92, 123, 130, 149.

48 P.R. 3/4 Ric. I, p. 29.

49 David Balfour has provided me with a list of charters granted by the chancellor, and though they are few in number, William Puintel and Osbert Longchamp, both Longchamp constables, are frequent attestors to his acta. Other frequent charter witnesses who do not surface as constables but as sheriffs are Reginald de Argentan, Robert de Insula, and William Muschet. Heiser, Richard R., “The Sheriffs of Richard the Lionheart: A Prosopographical Survey of Appointments, Politics, and Patronage, 1189-1199,” (Ph.D. diss., Florida State University, 1993), p. 358.Google Scholar

50 P.R. 2 Ric. I, pp. 1, 58, 59, 75, 156; Girala Cambrensis, 4: 387-93; Appleby, England Without Richard, p. 72; quote from Brown, “Castle-Building,” p. 32. Matthew de Cleres was also a constable at the Norman castle of Lions. See Balfour, David Bruce, “William Longchamp: Upward Mobility and Character Assassination in Twelfth-Century England” (Ph.D. diss., University of Connecticut, 1996), p. 226.Google Scholar

51 P.R. 3/4 Ric. I, pp. 85, 86, 88.

52 P.R. 2 Ric. I, p. 18.

53 Pounds, Medieval Castle, p. 78; Brown, “Castle-Building,” pp. 22, 49, 58-59.

54 Brown, “Castle-Building,” p. 49; H.K.W., 2: 583; Appleby, England Without Richard, pp. 35, 72.

55 Desborough, Donald E., “Politics and Prelacy in the Late Twelfth Century: the Career of Hugh de Nonant, Bishop of Coventry,” Historical Research 64 (1991): 4Google Scholar; P.R. 2 Ric. I, p. 37; Balfour, “William Longchamp,” pp. 6-10, 164-66.

56 P.R. 3/4 Ric. I, p. xx; The Great Roll of the Pipe for the Fifth Year of the Reign of King Richard the First, ed. Doris M. Stenton, Pipe Roll Society, n.s. 3, (London, 1927), p. xiii. (hereafter cited as P.R. 5 Ric. D

57 Chronica Magistri Rogeri de Hovedene, ed. William Stubbs, Rolls Series, 4 vols. (London, 1870), 3: 6, 27; Gesta Henrici, 2: 78, 99; Brown, “List of Castles,” p. 113; H.K.W., 2: 572, 776.

58 P.R. 2 Ric. I, p. 75; P.R. 3/4 Ric. I, p. 29.

59 West, Justiciarship, p. 169; Pleas Before the King, pp. lxi, cxxxvi-cxxxviii; List of Sheriffs, pp. 1, 112, 144; P.R. 3/4 Ric. I, p. 292; P.R. 5 Ric. I, pp. 91, 106, 112; Records of the General Eyre, ed. David Crook, Public Record Office Handbooks, no. 20 (London, 1982), p. 58; I. J. Sanders, English Baronies: A Study of Their Origin and Descent, 1086-1327 (Oxford, 1960), p. 12.

60 P.R. 5 Ric. I, p. xix; Rogeri de Hovedene, 3: 206.

61 I.e. Walter de Clifford at Knighton Castle and Richard Revel at Exeter Castle (P.R. 3/4 Ric. I, pp. 81, 281).

62 David Balfour’s dissertation on the chancellor details the chancellor’s activities related to certain celebrated castles (Balfour, “William Longchamp,” pp. 144-71, 281-83, 311-17).

63 P.R. 2 Ric. I, pp. 58, 59, 75. The constable and sheriff of York were not the same individual. See Thomas, Hugh M., “Portrait of a Medieval Anti-Semite: Richard Malebisse Vero Agnomine Mala Bestia,” Haskins Society Journal 5 (1993): 10–12.Google Scholar

64 Crouch, David, William Marshal: Court, Career and Chivalry in the Angevin Empire, 1147-1219 (London, 1990), p. 69Google Scholar; Richard of Devizes, pp. 12-13.

65 P.R.2 Ric. I, pp. 131, 136; P.R. 3/4 Ric. I, pp. 84-85; Richard of Devizes, pp. 8-13.

66 P.R. 2 Ric. I, pp. 2, 18; P.R. 3/4 Ric. I, p. 61.

67 Brown, “List of Castles,” p. 113; P.R. 2 Ric. I, pp. 7, 45, 124; Balfour, “William Longchamp,” pp. 148-49. Gilbert is named as custodian under the Shropshire sheriffs farm and seems to have held of the chancellor since he received payment per breve cancellarli.

68 P.R. 2 Ric. I, p. 7; Balfour, “William Longchamp,” pp. 148-49.

69 P.R. 3/4 Ric. I, pp. 99, 268.

70 Richard of Devizes, pp. 30-31; Sanders, English Baronies, p. 98.

71 Balfour, “William Longchamp,” pp. 111, 167.

72 Richard of Devizes, p. 26; Rogeri de Hovedene, 3; 134–37; Balfour, “William Longchamp,” pp. 281, 325-30.

73 Rogeri de Hovedene, 3: 134-37.

74 Richard of Devizes, pp. 26, 29-30.

75 William of Newburgh, 1: 335-38; Ricliard of Devizes, pp. 29-30; Balfour, “William Longchamp,” pp. 276, 280, 327.

76 Richard of Devizes, p. 30. William de Stuteville was temporarily in possession of the shrievalty (P.R. 3/4 Ric. I, p. 1).

77 Rogeri de Hovedene, 3: 140-41; Desborough, “Politics and Prelacy,” pp. 4-5; Balfour, “William Longchamp,” pp. 238-39, 259-61, 370, 378.

78 Balfour, , “William Longchamp,” pp. 169–70, 271, 327Google Scholar.

79 Richard of Devizes, pp. 51-52.

80 Cheney, Hubert Walter, p. 88.

81 Balfour, “William Longchamp,” p. 146.

82 Quote from G. V. Scammell, Hugh du Puiset (Cambridge, 1956), p. 37.

83 E.g. Crouch, William Marshal, pp. 44, 141.

84 P.R.2 Ric. I, p. 116; Rogeri de Hovedene, 3: 72, 142.

85 Carpenter, David A., “Richard by his contemporaries, Was he a model king? England in 1189,” paper presented at Colloque aux Archives du Calvados, (1999)Google Scholar.

86 Poggioli, Peter A., “From Politician to Prelate: The Career of Walter of Coutances, Archbishop of Rouen, 1184-1207” (Ph.D. diss., Johns Hopkins University, 1984), p. 74.Google Scholar

87 Ibid., pp. 85, 95.

88 Balfour, “William Longchamp,” p. 170.

89 A quote of Gerald of Wales, one of Longchamp’s most vitriolic detractors, which serves as a chapter heading in David Balfour’s work on Longchamp.

90 Italicized text indicates a baronial castle in royal custody.

91 Constables noted as being appointed by Longchamp are those who appear for the first time in the rolls during his justiciarship. It may be that they were appointed by the king but did not surface until later.

92 P.R. 2 Ric. I, p. 66.

93 P.R. 2 Ric. 1, pp. 15, 37, 44.

94 P.R. 2 Ric. I, pp. 2, 18; P.R. 3/4 Ric. I, pp. 61, 275; H.K.W., 2: 745-46, 779.

95 P.R. 2 Ric. I, p. 89.

96 P.R. 3/4 Ric. I, p. 24.

97 P.R. 2 Ric. I, pp. 45, 124.

98 P.R. 2 Ric. I, p. 112.

99 P.R. 5 Ric. I, p. 86.

100 P.R. 2 Ric. I, pp. 15, 37, 44.

101 H.K.W., 2:771-72.

102 P.R. 3/4 Ric. I, p. 141.

103 P.R. 3/4 Ric. I, pp. 78, 81.

104 P.R. 3/4 Ric. I, p. 24.

105 P.R. 2 Ric. I, p. 136; P.R. 3/4 Ric. I, p. 85.

106 Joscelin is described as having had the castle for many years (P.R. 3/4 Ric. I, p. 58).

107 Appleby, England Without Richard, p. 72.

108 Hulles is noted in rolls as “de warda Castri,” and he may have been a Puiset appointee but that is unknown (P.R. 2 Ric. I, p. 2).

109 P.R. 2 Ric. I, pp. 2, 18.

110 P.R. 2 Ric. I, pp. 58, 59, 75.

111 P.R. 2 Ric. I, p. 124.

112 P.R. 3/4 Ric. I, p. 29.

113 P.R. 3/4 Ric. I, pp. 29, 34. It seems that Robert shared custodial rights with Walter fitz Robert; see below.

114 P.R. 2 Ric. 1, p. 117.

115 P.R. 2 Ric. I, p. 159; P.R. 3/4 Ric. I, p. 149.

116 P.R. 2 Ric. I, p. 144.

117 P.R. 2 Ric. I, p. 26.

118 P.R. 2 Ric. I, p. 45.

119 P.R. 3/4 Ric. 1, p. 81.

120 P.R. 3/4 Ric. I, pp. 29, 34. It seems that Walter shared custodial rights with Robert fitz Roger; see above.

121 P.R. 3/4 Ric. I, p. 92.

122 P.R. 2 Ric. I, p. 75. William paid 20 marks for the castle.

123 H.K.W., 2: 888; Pounds, Medieval Castle, pp. 78, 96.

124 P.R. 2 Ric. I, p. 48. His work as custodian of these three castles resulted in pardon for over £500.

125 P.R. 3/4 Ric. 1, p. 195. This roll entry states that William had held this castle since 1189.

126 H.K.W., 2: 583.

127 P.R. 2 Ric. I, p. 36.

128 P.R. 2 Ric. I, pp. 1, 156.

129 Appleby, England Without Richard, pp. 61, 68; P.R. 3/4 Ric. I, p. 1. Gerard de Camville fled before the onslaught of Longchamp in 1190 but regained castle and shrievalty when John triumphed over the chancellor. Stuteville had custody for only ¼ year.

130 P.R. 2 Ric. I, p. 58.