1. Ashkenazic and Italian saynagogues existed in the mid-fifteenth century, but they were closed with the expulsion of the bankers: Pinkas va‘ad k”k Padova 338–363, ed. Carpi, Daniel (Jerusalem: Israel National Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 1973), 1:15–16Google Scholar, nn. 2, 3.

2. Mayer, Maria Modena, “Leggi in Yiddish ma mangia all'Italiana: Assimilazione gastronomica degli Ashkenaziti nell'Italia Rinascimentale,” Rassegna Mensile di Israel 52 (1996), 125–36Google Scholar.

3. For the High Middle Ages, see: Ta-Shma, Israel M., Minhag 'Ashkenaz ha-kadmon: ḥeker ve-‘iyyun (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1999), 13–105Google Scholar; Ta-Shma, Israel M., “Ashkenazi Jewry in the Eleventh Century: Life and Literature,” Ashkenaz: The German Jewish Heritage, ed. Hirschler, Gertrude (New York: Yeshiva University Museum, 1988), 31–42Google Scholar; Soloveitchik, Haym, “Religious Law and Change: The Medieval Ashkenazic Example,” AJS Review 12 (1987), 205–21CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The elitist strain of medieval Ashkenazic society probably contributed to the emergence of a conservative tendency: see Grossman, Avraham, “Yiḥus mishpaḥah u-mekomo ba-ḥevrah ha-Yehudit be-’Ashkenaz ha-kedumah,” in Perakim be-toledot ha-ḥevrah ha-Yehudit bi-yemei ha-benayim u-va‘et ha-ḥadashah, ed. Etkes, Emanuel and Salmon, Yosef (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1980), 9–23Google Scholar. The self-perception of medieval Ashkenazic Jewry as excelling in religious observance is a related motif: see Malkiel, David, Reconstructing Ashkenaz: The Human Face of Franco-German Jewry (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2009), 114–99Google Scholar and passim.

4. The Sephardic Jews who settled in the eastern Mediterranean and North Africa in the wake of the Spanish expulsion exhibited a similar penchant for halakhic conservatism or traditionalism in their encounter with indigenous communities, with the result that local traditions, such as that of the Romaniote Jews, were heavily diluted or largely obliterated. See Hacker, Yosef, “Ga'on ve-dika'on: ketavim be-havayatam ha-ruḥanit ve-ha-ḥevratit shel yoẓ’ei Sefarad u-Portugal ba-'imperiah ha-'Otmanit,” in Tarbut ve-ḥevrah be-toledot Yisra'el bi-yemei ha-benayim: Sefer zikaron le-Ḥ.H. Ben-Sasson, eds. Bonfil, Reuven et al. (Jerusalem: Zalman Shazar Center, 1989), 541–86Google Scholar; Septimus, Dov, “‘Ideologiah leshonit ve-hegemoniah tarbutit: teshuvah le-R. Shmu'el de Medina, mekorotehah ve-hashlakhotehah,” in Rishonim ve-’aḥaronim: meḥkarim be-toldot Yisra'el muggashim le-Avraham Grossman, eds. Hacker, Yosef et al. (Jerusalem: Zalman Shazar Center, 2010), 293–308Google Scholar.

5. The Treviso tombstones are discussed below.

6. On medieval Ashkenaz see, for example: Marcus, Ivan G., Rituals of Childhood: Jewish Acculturation in Medieval Europe (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996)Google Scholar; Baumgarten, Elisheva, Mothers and Children: Jewish Family Life in Medieval Europe (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004)Google Scholar. On the cultural pattern generally, see also Biale, David, ed., Cultures of the Jews: A New History (New York: Schocken Books, 2002)Google Scholar.

7. Reiner, Avraham (Rami), “Mi-gan 'eden ve-‘ad ẓeror ha-ḥayyim: birkot ha-metim be-maẓevot mi-’Ashkenaz bi-yemei ha-benayim,” Zion 76 (2011), 5–28Google Scholar.

8. Reiner, Avraham (Rami), “‘’Even she-katuv ‘alehah’: to'arei ha-niftarim ‘al maẓevot bet ha-‘almin be-Würzburg 1147–1346,” Tarbiẓ 78 (2009), 123–52Google Scholar.

9. Both inscriptions were printed: see Luzzatto (Shadal), Samuel David, “Maẓevot kevurah ba-‘ir Padova,” Kokhevei Yiẓḥak 15 (1851), 16–17Google Scholar. Shadal reports that his son Filosseno saw the tombstones in the city's Palazzo della Ragione. By 1910 they had been moved to the civic museum, where they are currently exhibited in the courtyard, see Morpurgo, Edgardo, “Inchiesta sui monumenti e documenti del Veneto interessanti la storia religiosa, civile e letteraria degli Ebrei,” Il Corriere Israelitico 49 (1910–1911), 222Google Scholar. It is a bizarre coincidence that both women are identified by their patronymics, with no mention of husbands.

10. Morpurgo, Edgardo, “L'Università degli Ebrei in Padova nel XVI secolo,” Bolletino del Museo Civico di Padova, 12 (1909): 4 n. 4Google Scholar.

11. This figure does not include undated tombstones, at least ten of which are almost certainly from the sixteenth century.

12. Fleischer, Ezra, Shirat ha-kodesh ha-‘Ivrit bi-yemei ha-benayim (Jerusalem: Keter, 1975), 433–41Google Scholar.

13. The number preceding the date of death refers to the number of the cemetery, in this case the earliest of Padua's surviving cemeteries, and then to the number of the inscription, based on the series in a transcription of inscriptions created in 1890 by the community rabbi, Alessandro Zammatto. For an edited and annotated edition of the Padua inscriptions see Malkiel, David, Shirei shayish: Ketovot mi-batei ha-ḥayyim shel Padova, 1529–1862 (Jerusalem: Ben-Zvi Institute, 2013)Google Scholar. Naftali ben Joseph Kohen was not a renowned individual, and nothing further need be said about him. The same is true for all the Paduan Jews whose tombstones are singled out for discussion below, apart from the few whose careers merit elaboration.

14. Encyclopaedia Judaica, (Jerusalem 1972)Google Scholar, s.v. “Prosody, Hebrew.”

15. The scholarly literature on the subject of Hebrew metered poetry, virtually all of it in Hebrew, is prodigious. Indispensable is: Pagis, Dan, Ḥiddush u-masoret be-shirat ha-ḥol (Jerusalem: Keter, 1976), 289–355Google Scholar. See also the writings of Dvora Bregman, particularly: “Shitat Immanuel u-mekomah be-toldot ha-metrikah ha-‘Ivrit,” Tarbiẓ 58 (1989), 413–52Google Scholar; and The Golden Way: The Hebrew Sonnet during the Renaissance and the Baroque, trans. Brener, Ann (Tempe AZ: Arizona State University, 2006), 31–41Google Scholar.

16. The ratio of graves to years in this period suggests that the corpus is incomplete. Note, however, that there are no gaps—spatial or chronological—between graves in the graveyard. The problem of the ratio of gravestones to the overall population of Padua's Jewish community is equally perplexing for the entire period from 1529 to 1862.

17. Ziv, Asher, “Maharam mi-Padova,” Ha-Darom 28 (1969), 160–95Google Scholar.

18. On Samuel Judah's Italian cultural orientation, see Horowitz, Elliott, “Speaking of the Dead: The Emergence of the Eulogy among Italian Jewry of the Sixteenth Century,” in Preachers of the Italian Ghetto, ed. Ruderman, David B. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 129–62Google Scholar.

19. See Malkiel, David, “Shirei maẓevot mi-ẓefon ‘Italia ba-me'ot ha-shesh ‘esreh ve-ha-shev‘a ‘esreh,” Pe'amim 98–99 (2004): 121–54Google Scholar; Malkiel, David, “Christian Hebraism in a Contemporary Key: The Search for Hebrew Epitaph Poetry in Seventeenth-Century Italy,” JQR 96 (2006), 123–46Google Scholar.

20. Hutton, James, The Greek Anthology in Italy to the Year 1800 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1935), 36–9Google Scholar.

21. Hutton, The Greek Anthology in Italy, 41–3.

22. For a beautiful English translation, see Nims, John Frederick, trans. The Complete Poems of Michelangelo (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998), 108–17Google Scholar.

23. Bembo, Pietro, Lyric Poetry: Etna, ed. and trans. Chatfield, Mary P. (Cambridge Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2005)Google Scholar, poems xxix–xli, 96–107, 189–93.

24. Petrucci, Armando, Writing the Dead: Death and Writing Strategies in the Western Tradition, trans. Sullivan, Michael (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998), 67, 79, 82–85Google Scholar. Pontano is one of the poets named as having “probably” read the Greek anthology at Naples before the editio princeps: Hutton, The Greek Anthology in Italy to the Year 1800, 37.

25. Hutton, The Greek Anthology in Italy to the Year 1800, 63. Thomas Sebillet's book on the vernacular epigram, also published in 1548, defines the French epigram as comprising at most twelve lines, preferably of eight- or ten-syllables: see Hutton, The Greek Anthology in Italy to the Year 1800, 60–2.

26. The poem for Biancha Marini (3.192, d. 1810) is the only exception in the entire corpus.

27. Hutton, The Greek Anthology in Italy to the Year 1800, 60–2.

28. See Lattimore, Richmond, Themes in Greek and Latin Epitaphs (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1962), 230–36Google Scholar; Ariès, Philippe, The Hour of Our Death, trans. Weaver, Helen (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981), 218–21Google Scholar; Guthke, Karl S., Epitaph Culture in the West: Variations on a Theme in Cultural History (Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press, 2003), 330, 336Google Scholar; Scodel, Joshua, The English Poetic Epitaph: Commemoration and Conflict from Jonson to Wordsworth (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991), 30–1Google Scholar.

29. “Known in the gates” (Proverbs 31:23). The jar of manna is a complimentary reference to the deceased, because a Talmudic passage relates that the original jar of manna was hidden with the ark (B. Yoma 52b), and the latter is a common Hebrew euphemism for the coffin.

30. Esther 1:6.

31. 1 Kings 1:9.

32. The literary and architectural features of the tombstones of early modern Germany are elaborated below.

33. Goldthwaite, Richard A., The Building of Renaissance Florence: An Economic and Social History (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1980), 221Google Scholar; Goldschmidt, E.P., The Printed Book of the Renaissance: Three Lectures on Type, Illustration, Ornament (Amsterdam: G.T. van Heusden, 1966), 66–77Google Scholar.

34. Sabar, Shalom, “The Use and Meaning of Christian Motifs in Illustrations of Jewish Marriage Contracts in Italy,” Journal of Jewish Art 10 (1984), 49Google Scholar; Boralevi, Alberto, “Un tappeto ebraico italo-egiziano,” Critica d'Arte 49 (1984), 41–42Google Scholar. Bracha Yaniv kindly shared the Boralevi article with me.

35. Y. Shekalim 2:5 (11a); Bereshit Rabbah (Vilna 1885) §82:10.

36. For the family tree of Anselmo del Banco, see Pullan, Brian, Rich and Poor in Renaissance Venice: the Social Institutions of a Catholic State, to 1620 (Cambridge Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1971), 480Google Scholar.

37. For a full image of Abraham Luzzatto's tombstone see fig. 9.

38. Christensen, Rikke Lyngsø, “Live Stones: On the Phenomenon of Rustication and its Relations to the all'Antica Practice in Italian Architecture of the 16th Century,” Analecta Romana Instituti Danici 31 (2005), 77–104Google Scholar.

39. Pastoureau, Michel, Figures et couleurs: Étude sur la symbolique et la sensibilité médiévales (Paris: Le Leopard d'Or, 1986), 54–5Google Scholar.

40. Palladio, Andrea, I quattro libri dell'architettura (Venice: Domenico de' Franceschi, 1570)Google Scholar, book 2, chap. 15. For other examples of buildings displaying heraldic symbols, see Bascapè, Giacomo C. and Piazzo, Marcello del, Insegni e simboli: araldica pubblica e privata medievale e moderna (Roma: Ministero per i Beni Culturali e Ambientali, 1983), 92–96Google Scholar, 100, 103 and passim.

41. Manaresi, Cesare, “Araldica,” Enciclopedia Italiana (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia italiana, 1929), 3:928Google Scholar, also available online at http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/araldica (Enciclopedia-Italiana)/. For the vast array of heraldic shields, by country and century, from the twelfth to the twentieth century, see Neubecker, Ottfried, Le grand livre de l'heraldique: l'histoire, l'art et la science du blason, trans. Harmignies, Roger (Paris: Bordas, 1993), 76–7Google Scholar. For Italy in particular, see Enciclopedia Storico-Nobiliare italiana: famiglie nobili e Titolante viventi riconosciute dal…governo d'Italia, ed. Spreti, Vittorio (Milano: n. p., 1928–1936; Bologna: Forni, 1969), 16–8, 49–50Google Scholar.

42. Meyer, Franz Sales, Handbook of Ornament (New York: Dover, 1957), 510–16Google Scholar and plates 284–285. On the emblem in the ketubah, see Shalom Sabar, “The Beginnings and Flourishing of Ketubah Illustration in Italy: A Study in Popular Imagery and Jewish Patronage during the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries,” (PhD diss., University of California Los Angeles, 1987), 271–85.

43. Manaresi, “Araldica,” 932.

44. For a map of the connotations of heraldic beasts, which are plotted between the vertical poles of good and evil, and the horizontal poles of intellectual versus physical force, see Pastoureau, Figures et couleurs, 175.

45. M. Avot 5:20.

46. Panofsky, Erwin, Tomb Sculpture: Four Lectures on Its Changing Aspects from Ancient Egypt to Bernini, ed. Janson, H.W. (New York: H.N. Abrams, 1964), 35–37Google Scholar. See also Wittkower, Rudolf, “Eagle and Serpent,” in Allegory and the Migration of Symbols (London: Thames & Hudson, 1977), 15–44Google Scholar, especially 26 ff.

47. Shapiro, Meyer, introduction to The Birds Head Haggada of the Bezalel National Art Museum in Jerusalem, ed. Spitzer, M., vol. 1 (Jerusalem: Tarshish Books, 1967), 18Google Scholar. See also Horowitz, Elliott, “Odd Couples: The Eagle and the Hare, the Lion and the Unicorn,” Jewish Studies Quarterly 11 (2004), 243–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

48. Neubecker, Le grand livre de l'heraldique, 178–79.

49. “There are three crowns: the crown of Torah, the crown of the priesthood and the crown of royalty, and the crown of the good name is greater than them” (M. Avot 4:13).

50. More precisely, the Ashkenazic hand is the square type, as opposed to cursive. In this hand the letters frequently incline to the left. On Ashkenazic lettering, see: Birnbaum, Solomon A., The Hebrew Scripts (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1971), 2, no. 343–346Google Scholar; Beit-Arié, Malachi, “Palaeographical Identification of Hebrew Manuscripts: Methodology and Practice,” Jewish Art 12–13 (1986–87): 20Google Scholar, fig. 1; Luzzatto, Aldo, La comunità ebraica di Venezia e il suo antico cimitero (Milano: Il Polifilo, 2000), 1:458, 459Google Scholar.

51. I am grateful to Michael Ryzhik of Bar-Ilan University for this suggestion. In any case, the adoption of the Sephardic font does not reflect the impact of the Sephardic constituency, which was negligible in Padua.

52. Pavoncello, Nello, “Le epigrafi dell'antico cimitero ebraico di Treviso,” Rassegna Mensile di Israel 34 (1984): 221–32Google Scholar.

53. Colafemmina, Cesare, “Da alcune iscrizioni ebraiche a Trani,” Rassegna Mensile de Israel 67 (2001): 305–12Google Scholar.

54. Brocke, Michael and Müller, Christiane E., Haus des Lebens. Jüdische Friedhöfe in Deutschland (Leipzig: E. Diederichs, 2001), 48–9Google Scholar.

55. Brocke, Michael, Die Alte Jüdische Friedhof zu Frankfurt am Main: Unbekannte Denkmäler und Inschriften (Sigmaringen: J. Thorbecke, 1996)Google Scholar.

56. Brocke and Müller, Haus des Lebens, 29–33.

57. Ariès, The Hour of Our Death, 207–09, 234–66; Cohen, Kathleen, Metamorphosis of a Death Symbol: The Transi Tomb in the Late Middle Ages and Renaissance (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973)Google Scholar; Esdaile, Katharine A., English Church Monuments 1510–1840 (London: B.T. Batsford, 1946)Google Scholar; Scodel, The English Poetic Epitaph.

58. Frauberger, Hans, Ueber Bau und Ausschmückung alter Synagogen (Frankfurt a.M.: Gesellschaft zur Erforschung Jüdischer Kunstdenkmäler, 1901), 38Google Scholar, fig. 42; Pinkerfeld, Ya'akov, Batei ha-keneset be-'Italia mi-tekufat ha-renesans ‘ad yamenu: perek be-toldot ha-’adrikhalut ha-Yehudit (Jerusalem: Bialik Institute, 1954), 22–23Google Scholar and fig. 30, 31; Ilia Rodov, “The Development of Medieval and Renaissance Sculptural Decoration in Ashkenazi Synagogues from Worms to the Cracow Area,” (PhD diss., The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 2003), 1:258–62. A notarial document from 1478 is the earliest known reference to a synagogue on contrada San Canziano, the street of the Ashkenazic synagogue: see Zaggia, Stefano, “La Scuola Grande di Padova: vicende storiche e architettura,” in Hatikwà: il cammino della speranza ed. Benedetti, Claudia De, [=Gli Ebrei e Padova, vol. 1], (Padova: Papergraf, 1998), 60Google Scholar; Stefano Tuzzato, “Le trasformazioni edilizie nella storia del monument,” in Hatikwà, 82–87. See also Mann, Vivian B., “The Recovery of a Known Work,” Jewish Art 12–13 (1987): 273Google Scholar. Frauberger (loc. cit.) refers to this room as “scuola spagnola,” which is certainly inaccurate.

59. The curtain was woven in the Islamic realm, probably in either Cairo or Istanbul, and combines features characteristic of the Italian Renaissance with those typical of transition period from the Mamluk to the Ottoman style. See Frauberger, Hans, Zweck und Ziel der Gesellschaft zur Erforschung Jüdischer Kunstdenkmäler (Frankfurt a.M.: Gesellschaft zur Erforschung Jüdischer Kunstdenkmäler, 1900), 24Google Scholar, fig. 15; Landsberger, Franz, “Old-Time Torah-Curtains,” in Beauty in Holiness: Studies in Jewish Customs and Ceremonial Art, ed. Gutmann, Joseph (New York: Ktav Publishing House, 1970), 145Google Scholar; Mann, Vivian B., “The Arts of Jewish Italy,” in Gardens and Ghettos: The Art of Jewish Life in Italy, ed. Mann, Vivian B. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 44Google Scholar, fig. 25 and 275, catalogue number141; Boralevi, “Un tappeto ebraico italo-egiziano,” 34–47; Yaniv, Bracha, Ma‘aseh rokem: Tashmishei kedushah mi-textil be-vet ha-keneset ha-’Ashenazi, ha-Sefaradi ve-ha-'Italki (Jerusalem: Ben-Zvi Institute, 2009), 172–74Google Scholar.

60. One such illuminated manuscript is a handwritten prayer book (1460–1470), which underscores the extent to which the emblem was seen as a normative form of ornamentation: see Mann, “The Art of Jewish Italy,” 46, fig. 27. For printers' marks see Yaari, Abraham, Diglei ha-madpisim ha-‘Ivriyim: mi-reshit ha-defus ha-‘Ivri ve-‘ad sof ha-me'ah ha-tesh‘a ‘esreh (Jerusalem: The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 1943)Google Scholar. Seals are another relevant genre, but most are of human images, principally busts and profiles, rather than heraldic imagery. See Friedenberg, Daniel M., Medieval Jewish Seals from Europe (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1987), 31–35, 333–62Google Scholar.

61. Pollack, Herman, Jewish Folkways in Germanic Lands (1648–1806): Studies in Aspects of Daily Life (Cambridge Mass.: Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press, 1971), 9–10Google Scholar.

62. Joseph Karo, She'elot u-teshuvot 'avekat rokhel, no. 65; Capsali, Eliayahu, Seder Eliyahu Zuta, ed. Simonsohn, Shlomo (Jerusalem: Ben Zvi Institute and The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 1977), 2:257Google Scholar. See also Shulvass, Moses A., “Ashkenazic Jewry in Italy,” Yivo Annual of Jewish Social Science 7 (1952): 128–29Google Scholar; Kahana, Yitzhak Ze'ev, Meḥkarim be-sifrut ha-teshuvot (Jerusalem: Mossad ha-Rav Kook and Bar-Ilan University, 1973), 371Google Scholar; Rodov, “The Development of Medieval and Renaissance Sculptural Decoration,” 1:186–88. For a similar case in sixteenth-century Candia, in which the emblem was a crowned lion, see Zimra, David ibn, She'elot u-teshuvot (rprt., Jerusalem, 1972)Google Scholar, pt. 4, no. 1178, 29a–30b; Rodov, “The Development of Medieval and Renaissance Sculptural Decoration,” 1:266–69.

63. The use of architectural elements quickly became popular outside Italy as well. The personal emblem appears on private synagogues like the Pinḥas synagogue in Prague, and the alms box in Cracow's Remah synagogue is architectural in design, with pilasters, Doric capitals and entablature: Rodov, “The Development of Medieval and Renaissance Sculptural Decoration,” 188, 244.

64. Bonfil, Robert, “Kavim li-demutam ha-ḥevratit ve-ha-ruḥanit shel Yehudei 'ezor Veneziah be-reshit ha-me'ah ha-shesh ‘esreh,” Zion 41 (1976): 82–93Google Scholar. Bonfil suggests (92) that the ordinance on ritual slaughter was designed to prevent the Ashkenazi communities from decentralizing, as the Italiani had, and from settling in small numbers in sundry towns and villages.

65. Simonsohn, Shlomo, The Apostolic See and the Jews, Documents: 1464–1521 (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1990), 1613–1614Google Scholar, no. 1287.

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68. ‘Azei ha-nefesh, lit. “greedy,” from Isaiah 56:11.

69. Lit. the languages of the Pathruites and Casluhites—Genesis 10:14.

70. 'Igerot bet Rieti: Siena 297–324, ed. Yacov Boksenboim (Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University, 1987), 312. See also Bonfil, Ha-rabanut be-'Italia bi-tekufat ha-renesans (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1979), 71, n. 30Google Scholar.

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84. 'Igerot bet Karmi: Cremona 330–337, ed. Boksenboim, Yacov (Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University, 1983), 142Google Scholar.

85. On this issue, the italiani represent the Jews of the Mediterranean basin and the Islamic realm. See Twersky, Isadore, “Ha-Yahadut ha-'Ashkenazit (min ha-me'ah ha-‘asirit ‘ad sof ha-mèah ha-ḥamesh ‘esreh,” Enẓiklopediah ḥinukhit (Jerusalem: Ministry of Education and Bialik Institute, 1964), 4:257–59, 261–63Google Scholar; Twerksky, Isadore, “Religion and Law,” in Religion in a Religious Age, ed. Goitein, S.D. (Cambridge Mass.: Association for Jewish Studies, 1974), 69–82Google Scholar; Twersky, Isadore, “Talmudists, Philosophers, Kabbalists: The Quest for Spirituality in the Sixteenth Century,” in Jewish Thought in the Sixteenth Century, ed. Dov Cooperman, Bernard (Cambridge Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1983), 431–59Google Scholar.

86. Shmeruk, Chone, “Defusei Yiddish be-’Italia,” Italia 3 (1982): 112–75Google Scholar; Yiddish in Italia; Shulvass, “Ashkenazic Jewry in Italy,” 120–21; Fram, Edward, My Dear Daughter: Rabbi Benjamin Slonik and the Education of Jewish Women in Sixteenth-Century Poland (Cincinnati: Hebrew Union College Press, 2007)Google Scholar; Elboim, Jacob, “Kishrei tarbut ben Yehudei Polin le-ven Yehudei 'Italia ba-me'ah ha-shesh ‘esreh,” in Gal-‘Ed 7–8 (1985), 11–40Google Scholar; Baruchson, Shifra, Sefarim ve-kore'im: Tarbut ha-keri'ah shel Yehudei 'Italia be-shilhei ha-renesans (Ramat-Gan: Bar-Ilan University Press, 1993), 119–75Google Scholar.

87. Bonfil, “La presenza Ashkenazita in Italia,” Yiddish in Italia, 217.

88. Pinkas va‘ad K”K Padova 338–363, 1:164, no. 158.

89. Pinkas va‘ad K”K Padova 338–363,1:324, no. 545.

90. Tosafot on B. Menaḥot 20b, s.v. nifsal.

91. P. Sotah 7:5 (33a).

92. See also the responsum of Azriel Diena to the Jews of Ostia, regarding the struggle between the Ashkenazi and italiani over control of the synagogue rite: She'elot u-teshuvot, ed. Boksenboim, Yacov (Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University, 1977), 1:62–65Google Scholar, no. 23.