Published online by Cambridge University Press: 14 November 2008
Hitherto, Western analysts of Soviet affairs have largely neglected Soviet persons beyond retirement age. These persons constitute a heterogeneous and expanding social category, and their lot has a number of dimensions. The present examination concentrates on their economic status and participation in social production, regarding both as an outcome of the Soviet régime's changing policies. It indicates a modest level of success in retaining the working involvement of retired people during the early post-retirement years. At the same time it uncovers many issues and situations which are familiar to gerontologists in Western countries.
1 On the development of Soviet social security see e.g. Dewar, Margaret, Labour Policy in the USSR 1917–1928, Royal Institute of International Affairs, London and New York, 1956Google Scholar; Madison, Bernice Q., Social Welfare in the Soviet Union, Stanford University Press, Stanford, California, 1968, chapters 4 and 11Google Scholar; Rimlinger, Gaston V., Welfare Policy and Industrialization in Europe, America, and Russia, Wiley, New York, 1971, chapter 7.Google Scholar
2 This figure refers to the European part of the Soviet Union in 1926–7. The life expectancy at birth of men as a group was 42 years and that of women as a group 47 years. (Narodnoe khoytaistvo SSSR, 1977, p. 90.)
3 Vestnik statistiki, 1974, no. 8, p. 95.
4 Lantsev, M. S., The Economic Aspects of Social Security in the USSR, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1979, p. 82, table 19.Google Scholar
5 For a Russian text of the law see Gosudarstvennoe sotsial' noe strakhouanie: Sbornik ofitsial' nykh materialov, Izdatel'stvo VCSPS Profizdat, 1963, pp. 169–185.
6 According to Soviet sources, prior to the 1956 Act pensions had been regulated by 960 normative acts.
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8 In 1959, collective farmers and their dependants constituted 31.4 per cent of the Soviet population. (Narodnoe khozyaistvo SSSR, 1979, p. 8.)
9 Calculated from Narodnoe khoyaisivo SSSR, 1964, p. 602, and ibid. 1965, p. 607.
10 Between 1956 and 1964, collective farmers were entitled to a state pension in certain cases, e.g. if they became disabled in the course of military service; or if they were machinists, skilled workers, technicians or engineers who moved from employment in a state organisation to a collective farm; or if they became full-time state farm workers as a result of the conversion of a collective farm into a state farm.
11 The scheme was established by a law adopted on 15 July 1964. For an English text see Matthews, Mervyn, Soviet Government: A Selection of Official Documents on Internal Policies, Jonathan Cape, London, 1974, pp. 370–375.Google Scholar
12 Narodnoe khoyiaistvo SSSR, 1980, p. 411.
13 Originally, under the 1964 Act, the retirement age was set at 65 for male collective farmers and 60 for female collective farmers.
14 Previously, under the 1964 Act, the maximum old-age, invalidity and survivors’ pensions for collective farmers were fixed at the level of the maximum old-age, invalidity and survivors’ pensions stipulated in the 1956 Law on State Pensions for those white-collar and blue-collar workers who lived permanently in rural localities and were engaged in agriculture. In the case of old-age pensions it was IO2 roubles instead of 120 roubles.
15 Acharkan, V. A., Aktual'nye problemy pensionnogo obespecheniya, in Sarkisyan, G. S. (ed.), Dokhody trudyashchikhsya i sotsial'nye problemy urovnya zhizni naseleniya SSSR, Moskva, 1973, pp. 144–145.Google Scholar
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17 Personal pensions (first introduced in July 1920) and long-service pensions (first introduced in the mid-twenties) are discussed by Osborn, Robert J., Soviet Social Policies: Welfare, Equality, and Community, The Dorsey Press, Homewood, Illinois, 1970, pp. 76–84Google Scholar, and Matthews, Mervyn, Privilege in the Soviet Union: A Study of Elite Life-Styles under Communism, George Allen & Unwin, London, 1978, pp. 37–38, 85–87 and 103–104.Google Scholar It goes without saying that the personal pensions which are awarded by the state and those which can be granted by collective farms are not identical.
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19 By the end of 1980, there were 34 million old-age pensioners in the Soviet Union. (Narodnoe khozyaistvo SSSR, 1980, p. 411.) However, persons of retirement age were estimated to amount to 40.9 million. Consequently, nearly 7 million persons of retirement age were not receiving an old-age pension, although at least some of them were receiving another kind of state pension and others were drawing a wage, having postponed their retirement.
20 In more detail see Stiller, Pavel, Die sowjetische Rentenversicherung 1917–1977, Bundesinstitut für ostwissenschaftliche und internationale Studien, Küln, 1979, pp. 43–44.Google Scholar
21 Both in the mid-sixties and the mid-seventies, probably no more than 12 per cent of retired workers were receiving old-age pensions calculated at the privileged rate.
22 Since 1976, coal and shale miners, underground workers at enterprises of the ministries of ferrous and non-ferrous metallurgy, and workers in mine-construction organisations have been entitled to a maximum old-age pension award of 140 roubles a month after 15–20 years of work, or 160 roubles a month after more than 20 years of work.
23 Slobozhanin, V. P., Pensiya — po trudovomu vkladu, Sovetskoe gosudarstvo i pravo, 1981, no. 9, p. 47.Google Scholar The first survey was conducted in the RSFSR and covered 100, 000 old-age pensioners. The second survey was conducted in three large industrial enterprises situated in the town of Minsk and covered all workers who had retired between 1971 and 1975.
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25 On average, men draw a pension for over 16 years and women for over 24 years. (Lantsev, M., Razvitie sotsial'nogo obespecheniya i ego vozdeistvie na trudovuyu aktivnost’ zanyatykh v obshchestvennom proizvodstve, Sotsialisticheskii trud, 1981, no. 3, p. 51.)Google Scholar
26 Slobozhanin, V. P., op. cit. pp. 49–52.Google Scholar The author is of the opinion that the change would enable consideration to be taken of the workers’ long-term performance, as well as reduce pre-retirement labour turnover induced by the workers’ striving to bloat their reference wage.
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36 A higher coefficient could be possible, though, as follows from McAuley, , op. cit. pp. 18, 117, 207 and 357.Google Scholar
37 This coefficient too is rather arbitrary. Soviet scholars recognise that the poverty line for a single retired worker lies below that for a single urban worker, but do not attempt to quantify the difference.
38 Vinokur, Aaron and Ofer, Gur, Family income levels for Soviet industrial workers, 1965–1975, in Kahan, Arcadius and Ruble, Blair A. (eds), Industrial Labor in the U.S.S.R., Pergamon Press, New York, 1979, p. 191.Google Scholar In addition see Kvasha, A. Ya., Demograficheskaya politika v SSSR, ‘Finansy istatistika’, Moskva, 1981, pp. 162–163.Google Scholar
39 Pravda, 31 March 1981.
40 As shown elsewhere, a gap between the average old-age pension awarded earlier and the average old-age pension awarded later arises in Soviet-controlled Eastern Europe as well, with similar consequences for their social adequacy. (Porket, J. L., Inequalities in Eastern Europe: The case of Old-Age Pensioners, Oxford, St. Anthony's College, Papers in East European Economics, no. 64, 1980, pp. 35–36 and 57–58.)Google Scholar
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45 The remainder re-entered the labour force after a break lasting several months or several years. (Novitskii, and Babkina, , op. cit. p. 124.)Google Scholar
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50 Of these, 1.7 million were men and 2.8 million women. (Fedorova, N. V., Sotsial'no-ekonomicheskii sostav naseleniya SSSR, In Maksimov, G. M. (ed.), Vsesoyuzaya perepis' naseleniya 1970 goda, ‘Statistika’, Moskva, (1976, p. 219.)Google Scholar
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52 Retired workers entitled to the privileged rate were an exception: they received 50 per cent of their old-age pension regardless of their earnings. On the other hand, any retired worker could have his old-age pension recalculated if after retirement he worked no less than two years and during that period his earnings exceeded those from which his old-age pension award was calculated.
53 Lantsev, , Economic Aspects of Social Security, p. 93, table 24.Google Scholar
54 By that time a similar measure had long been in force in Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Bulgaria.
55 In a survey conducted in 1977–8, 64 per cent of working and 26 per cent of non-working old-age pensioners supported their adult children materially. (Shapiro, V. D., Vzaimootnosheniya starshego i srednego pokolenii sem'i, Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniya, no. 1, 1981, p. 131, table 2.)Google Scholar
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61 According to Korchagin, V. (Rol’ zdravookhraneniya v vosproizvodstve trudovykh resursov, Voprosy ekonomiki, no. 12, 1981, p. 72Google Scholar), for instance, the surveys conducted among persons of retirement age have shown that post-retirement participation in social production could be induced by a shorter working day (about 30 per cent of the respondents), pay for the time actually worked (24 per cent), better organisation and règime of work (15 per cent), work carried on at home (10 per cent), and so on.
62 One of the arguments used by them has been the finding that the hourly productivity of part-time workers (whether of working or retirement age) is higher than that of full-time workers.
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67 Another factor which might reduce interest in the institution of deferred old-age pensions is the level of the old-age pension supplement: many might regard a monthly old-age pension supplement of io roubles for each year of service after their reaching retirement age as an insufficient compensation for not claiming their old-age pension while working. Theoretically, the institution could appeal to two categories of persons of retirement age: to those who would have a low old-age pension if they retired upon reaching retirement age and at the same time have no spouse, children and relatives, and to those who after reaching retirement age would be able to continue to draw a wage approaching the pension-cum-earnings ceiling of 300 roubles per month.
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70 Own estimate. Soviet statistical yearbooks enable one to calculate exclusively the share of national income spent on all pensions: it was 4.9 per cent in 1960, 5.6 per cent in 1970, and 7.3 per cent in 1980.
71 Currently, as already mentioned above in the text, while most aged receive an old-age pension and a minority another kind of state pension, some still appear to receive no kind of state pension at all.
72 Neither the health and social services nor the institutional care provided by the state seem to meet the needs of the aged. By the beginning of the 19805, for instance, homes for the elderly and disabled accommodated only about 353 thousand persons. (Lantsev, , Rasvitie sotsial'nogo ovespecheniya, p. 52.)Google Scholar
73 However, there is a considerable number of the solitary aged in the Soviet Union. The same applies to Soviet-controlled Eastern Europe.
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75 This, of course, does not take into consideration open, hidden and repressed inflation. The official retail price index, which reflects open inflation, was 100 in 1970, 99.7 in 1975, and 104 in 1981. (Narodnoe khozyaistvo SSSR, 1922–1982, P. 479.)
76 The ageing of the Soviet population is regionally differentiated, though. In more detail see Feshbach, Murray, Between the lines of the 1979 Soviet census, Problems of Communism, 31, 1 (1982), 27–37.Google Scholar
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