Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-jn8rn Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-22T15:44:09.487Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

The Morality of the U.N. Security Council Sanctions against Eritrea: Defensibility, Political Objectives, and Consequences

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  08 August 2013

Redie Bereketeab*
Affiliation:
Redie Bereketeab is researcher at the Nordic African Institute in Uppsala, Sweden, where he heads a research project on conflict and state-building in the Horn of Africa. He is the author of numerous books and articles. E-mail: [email protected]

Abstract:

This article seeks to examine the sanctions imposed on Eritrea by the U.N. Security Council (UNSC) based on Eritrea’s alleged involvement in Somalia and its border dispute with Djibouti. It argues that the UNSC’s failure to sanction the parties for reneging on their commitment to implement the Permanent Court of Arbitration’s verdict on the border dispute between Eritrea and Ethiopia casts doubt on the morality of the sanctions. It also argues that the decision may have been driven by political motives. These sanctions will hurt the people of Eritrea and the Eritrean nation, and indeed, there is a real risk that the outcome of the sanctions could be the collapse of the Eritrean state.

Résumé:

L’article cherche à examiner les sanctions imposées sur l’Érythrée par le Conseil de Sécurité des Nations Unies (le CSNU) basées sur l’implication présumée du pays en Somalie et son conflit frontalier avec Djibouti. Il soutient que l’échec du CSNU dans l’effort de sanctionner les gouvernements impliqués pour la rupture de leur engagement à mettre en place le verdict de la Cour concernant le conflit frontalier entre Djibouti et l’Érythrée, lance un doute sur la moralité des sanctions. Cet article soutient également que ces sanctions ont probablement été motivées par des manœuvres politiques. Ces sanctions vont nuire à la nation et au peuple de l’Érythrée, et sans aucun doute, il y a un vrai risque que ces sanctions puisse engendrer l’effondrement de la nation érythréenne.

Type
ASR FORUM: HOMOPHOBIC AFRICA?
Copyright
Copyright © African Studies Association 2013 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Action Group for Eritrea (AGE). 2010. “Mutilating Eritrea along Its Lines of Cleavage: Unfinished Business.” www.eritrea.co.uk.Google Scholar
Africa News. 2009. “Libya Explains Opposition to Sanction against Eritrea.” http://www.afriguejet.com.Google Scholar
Agence France-Presse (AFP). 2009. “Eritrean Opposition Vows to Up Military Action.” December 29.Google Scholar
Agence France-Presse (AFP). 2010. “5,000 Eritreans Rally against UN Sanctions.” February 22.Google Scholar
“Agreement between the Government of the State of Eritrea and the Government of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia” (Algiers Agreement). 2000. Algiers, December 12. http://www.unhcr.org.Google Scholar
BBC News. 2010. “‘No Evidence’ WFP’s Somalia Food Aid Diverted.” March 25.Google Scholar
Bereketeab, R. 2007. Eritrea: The Making of Nation, 1890‒1991. Trenton, N.J.: The Red Sea Press.Google Scholar
Bereketeab, R.. 2009. “The Eritrea‒Ethiopia Conflict and the Algiers Agreement: Eritrea’s Road to Isolation.” In Eritrea’s External Relations: Understanding Its Foreign Policy, edited by Reid, Richard, 98130. London: Chatham House.Google Scholar
Blunt, E. 2007. “US Gives Stark Warning to Eritrea.” BBC News, September 8.Google Scholar
Bolton, John. 2007. Surrender Is Not Option: Defending America at the United Nations. New York: Simon and Schuster.Google Scholar
China Daily. 2009. “China Voices Concerns over UN Sanctions on Eritrea.” http://www.chinadaily.com.cn.Google Scholar
Chomsky, Noam. 2011. “The Iranian Threat: The US Is Not Taking Any Practical Steps to Ensure a Nuclear-Free Middle East.” Aljazeera.NET, November 24.Google Scholar
Connell, D. 2009. “Eritrea and the United States: Towards a New US Policy.” In Eritrea’s External Relations: Understanding Its Regional Role and Foreign Policy, edited by Reid, Richard, 131‒49. London: Chatham House.Google Scholar
Daily Nation. 2012. “UN Doubts Claims Eritrea Supplied Weapons to Shabaab.” January 17.Google Scholar
Elliott, K. A. 1998. “The Sanctions Glass: Half Full or Completely Empty?International Security 23 (1): 5065.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Eritrea‒Ethiopia Boundary Commission (EEBC). 2005. “Sixth Report on the Work of the Commission, ” February 24. http://www.dehai.org.Google Scholar
E-SMART. 2010. “UN/US Sanctions on Eritrea: Latest Chapter in a Long History of Injustices.” http://www.eritrean-smart.org.Google Scholar
European Parliament Committee on Development (EPCD). 2008. “Report of the Fact-Finding Mission of a Delegation of the Development Committee of the European Parliament to the Horn of Africa (Eritrea, Djibouti, Ethiopia).”Google Scholar
Galtung, J. 1967. “On the Effects of International Economic Sanctions: With Examples from the Case of Rhodesia.” World Politics 19 (3): 378416.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Habte Selassie, B. 1989. Eritrea and the United Nations. Trenton, N.J.: The Red Sea Press.Google Scholar
Healy, S. 2008. “Lost Opportunities in the Horn of Africa: How Conflicts Connect and Peace Agreements Unravel.” Horn of Africa Group Report. London: Chatham House.Google Scholar
Healy, S. 2011. “Hostage to Conflict: Prospects for Building Regional Economic Cooperation in the Horn of Africa.” Chatham House Report. London: Chatham House.Google Scholar
Healy, S., and Plaut, M.. 2007. “Ethiopia and Eritrea: Allergic to Persuasion.” Africa Programme Briefing Paper. London: Chatham House.Google Scholar
Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD). 2009. “Communiqué of the 14th Extra-Ordinary Session of the IGAD Assembly of Heads of State and Government on the Security and Political Situation in Somalia.” Sirte, Libya, June 30.Google Scholar
Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD). 2011. “Communiqué of the 39th Extra-Ordinary Session of the IGAD Council of Ministers on the Security and Political Situation in Somalia, Sudan and Eritrea’s Activities in the Region.” Malabo, Equatorial Guinea, June 28.Google Scholar
International Crisis Group (ICG). 2007. “Ethiopia and Eritrea: Stopping the Sliding to War.” African Briefing No. 48 (November 5).Google Scholar
International Crisis Group (ICG). 2008. “Beyond Fragile Peace between Ethiopia and Eritrea: Averting New War.” Africa Report No. 141 (June 17).Google Scholar
International Taskforce on Eritrea (ITFE). 2010a. “The UN Sanctions against Eritrea: Built on Solid Evidence or Utter Lies?” January 14.Google Scholar
International Taskforce on Eritrea (ITFE). 2010b. “Demonstration Is the Festival of the Oppressed!http://www.docstoc.com.Google Scholar
Iyob, R. 1995. The Eritrean Struggle for Independence: Dominance, Resistance, Nationalism, 1941‒1993. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Lauterpacht, E. 2006. “Eritrea‒Ethiopia Boundary Commission: Statement by the Commission, Sir Elihu Lauterpacht CBE QC, President of the Commission.” UNSC, Enclosure: Special Report of the Secretary-General on Ethiopia and Eritrea, S/2006/992.Google Scholar
Lee, Matthew Russell. 2001. “UN Eritrea Sanctions Pass 13-0-2, Russia and China But Not S. Africa Abstain, Eritrea Not Heard, Addis Attack ‘Not Proven.’Inner City Press, December 5. http://innercitypress.com.Google Scholar
Lyons, R. 2009. “The Ethiopia‒Eritrea Conflict and the Search for Peace in the Horn of Africa.” Review of African Political Economy 36 (120): 167‒80.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Marchal, R. 2007. “Somalia: A New Front against Terrorism.” Social Science Research Council. http://hornafrica.ssrc.org/marchal/.Google Scholar
Mengisteab, K. 2009. “What Has Gone Wrong with Eritrea’s Foreign Relations?” In Eritrea’s External Relations: Understanding Its Regional Role and Foreign Policy, edited by Reid, Richard, 4570. London: Chatham House.Google Scholar
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ethiopia (MFA). 2009. “A Shameful Day for the United Nations.” Press Release. Asmara, December 23. shaebia.org.Google Scholar
Monitoring Group on Somalia (MGS). 2006. “Report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia Pursuant to Security Council Resolution 1676, November 2006.” http://www.cfr.org.Google Scholar
Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea (MGSE). 2011. “Report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea Pursuant to Security Council Resolution 1916 (2010) (S/2011/433). http://reliefweb.int.Google Scholar
Reid, R., ed. 2009. Eritrea’s External Relations: Understanding Its Regional Role and Foreign Policy. London: Chatham House.Google Scholar
Reuters. 2010. “U.S. Condemns Eritrea for ‘Destabilizing’ Role.” February 22. www.reuters.com.Google Scholar
Samatar, Abdi. 2011. “Famine as a Crime Against Humanity: Drought Does Not Necessarily Lead to Famine—The Catastrophe in Somalia Was Man-Made.” Aljazeera.net, December 1.Google Scholar
Sudan Tribune. 2008. “Djibouti Asks World Help to Prevent Conflict with Eritrea.” May 7.Google Scholar
Sudan Tribune. 2010. “Eritrean Rebels Claim Killing 25 Military Officers.” January 3.Google Scholar
Sudan Tribune. 2011. “Ethiopia Orders 200 Ukrainian Tanks Worth $100 Million.” July10.Google Scholar
Sugrue, Matthew. 2010. “Do Sanctions Work? Iran, Proliferation and U. S. Policy.” http://www.huffingtonpost.com.Google Scholar
U-Jin Ang, A. and Peksen, D.. 2007: “When Do Economic Sanctions Work? Asymmetric Perceptions, Issue Salience, and Outcomes.” Political Research Quarterly 60 (1): 135‒45.Google Scholar
United Nations Security Council (UNSC). 2008. “Report of the Secretary-General on Ethiopia and Eritrea.” Report S/2008/40, January 23.Google Scholar
United Nations Security Council (UNSC). 2009. “Security Council Imposes Sanctions on Eritrea over Its Role in Somalia, Refusal to Withdraw Troops Following Conflict with Djibouti.” Report SC/9833, December 23.Google Scholar
United States Department of State (USDS), Bureau of Consular Affairs. 2010. “Eritrea Travel Warning, ” March 2. www.travel.state.gov.Google Scholar
Wallensteen, P. 1968. “Characteristics of Economic Sanctions.” Journal of Peace Research 5 (3): 248‒67.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wenping, H. 2010. “The Darfur Issue: A New Test for China’s Africa Policy.” In The Rise of China and India in Africa: Challenges, Opportunities and Critical Interventions, edited by Cheru, Fantu and Obi, Cyril, 155‒66. London: Zed Books.Google Scholar
Woldemariam, Y., and Okbazghi, Y., 2007. “War Clouds in the Horn of Africa.” Sudan Tribune, November 12.Google Scholar
Woodward, P. 2003. The Horn of Africa: Politics and International Relations. London: I. B. TaurisGoogle Scholar
Wrong, M. 2007a. “War by Proxy, But Not the One We Think.” New Statesman, January 15.Google Scholar
Wrong, M.. 2007b. America’s Latest African Misadventure. Slate.com., November 29.Google Scholar
Wrong, M.. 2011. “How Double-Dealing Built a Pariah State.” Financial Times, August 3.Google Scholar
Yohannes, O. 1991. Eritrea: A Pawn in World Politics. Gainesville: University Press of Florida.Google Scholar