Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-fbnjt Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-13T00:54:20.658Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Implications of the 2012 U.S. Election for U.S. Policy in Africa’s Great Lakes Region

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  08 August 2013

Georges Nzongola-Ntalaja*
Affiliation:
Georges Nzongola-Ntalaja is a professor of African studies at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and past president of the African Studies Association. He has also served in the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) as senior adviser for governance to the Federal Government of Nigeria, as director of the Oslo Governance Centre in Oslo, Norway, and as facilitator for the establishing of the Africa Governance Institute (AGI), an independent pan-African think tank based in Dakar, Senegal. He has published extensively on African politics. His major work, The Congo from Leopold to Kabila: A People’s History (Zed, 2002), won the 2004 Best Book Award of the African Politics Conference Group (APCG). E-mail: [email protected]

Abstract:

While Africans are generally satisfied that a person of African descent was reelected to the White House following a campaign in which vicious and racist attacks were made against him, the U.S. Africa policy under President Barack Obama will continue to be guided by the strategic interests of the United States, which are not necessarily compatible with the popular aspirations for democracy, peace, and prosperity in Africa. Obama’s policy in the Great Lakes region provides an excellent illustration of this point. Since Rwanda and Uganda are Washington’s allies in the “war against terror” in Darfur and Somalia, respectively, the Obama administration has done little to stop Kigali and Kampala from destabilizing the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and looting its natural resources, either directly or through proxies. Rwanda and Uganda have even been included in an international oversight mechanism that is supposed to guide governance and security sector reforms in the DRC, but whose real objective is to facilitate Western access to the enormous natural wealth of the Congo and the Great Lakes region.

Résumé:

Bien que les Africains soient en général satisfaits par l’élection d’un citoyen d’héritage africain à la Maison Blanche à la suite d’une campagne pendant laquelle des attaques racistes avaient été faites contre lui, les relations US Afrique sous la présidence de Barack Obama continuent d’être guidées par les intérêts stratégiques des États-Unis, qui ne sont pas nécessairement compatibles avec les aspirations populaires de démocratie, de paix et de prospérité en Afrique. La politique d’Obama dans la région des Grands Lacs offre une excellente illustration de cet argument. Puisque les nations du Rwanda et de l’Ouganda se sont ralliées à Washington dans la guerre contre le terrorisme au Darfour et en Somalie respectivement, le gouvernement d’Obama n’a pas fait grand chose pour arrêter Kigali et Kampala dans leur déstabilisation de la République Démocratique du Congo (RDC) et leur pillage de ses ressources naturelles, soit de manière directe, soit par procuration. Le Rwanda et l’Ouganda ont été inclus dans un mécanisme international de supervision supposé guider la gouvernance et les réformes du secteur de la sécurité en RDC, mais dont les objectifs réels sont l’accès aux immenses richesses naturelles du Congo et de la région des Grands Lacs.

Type
ASR FORUM: THE 2012 U.S. ELECTION AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR U.S.–AFRICA POLICY
Copyright
Copyright © African Studies Association 2013 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Bond, Patrick. 2006. Looting Africa: The Economics of Exploitation. Pietermaritzburg: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bond, Patrick. 2013 (forthcoming). “Subimperialism as Lubricant of Neoliberalism: South African ‘Deputy Sheriff’ Duty within BRICS.” Third World Quarterly.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Meger, Sara. 2010. “Rape of the Congo: Understanding Sexual Violence in the Conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo.” Journal of Contemporary African Studies 28 (2): 119–35.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Minter, William. 1986. King Solomon’s Mines Revisited: Western Interests and the Burdened History of Southern Africa. New York: Basic Books.Google Scholar
Nzongola-Ntalaja, Georges. 2010. “Putting Africa’s House in Order to Deal with Developmental Challenges.” African Studies Review 52 (2): 12–15.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ross, Sherwood. 2010. “Rendition and the Global War on Terrorism: 28 Nations Have Supported the US in the Detention and Torture of ‘Suspects.’Global Research, April 1. http://www.globalresearch.ca.Google Scholar
Weissman, Stephen R. 1974. American Foreign Policy in the Congo 1960–64. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Williams, G. Mennen. 1965. “U.S. Objectives in the Congo 1960–65.” Africa Report 10 (8): 12–20.Google Scholar