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The Quest for Unity in the Zimbabwe Liberation Movement

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  13 August 2021

Extract

In the past fifteen years African heads of state and the Organization of African Unity have striven with little success to unite liberation movements fighting the settlers and colonialists in their countries in Southern Africa. The first attempt was made by Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana and other leaders, and was directed at uniting the Pan-Africanist Congress and its rival African National Congress of South Africa soon after both were banned and forced into exile following the Sharpeville demonstrations. When leaders of both parties fanned out into the world to solicit support, some of the would-be supporters forced them into a makeshift marriage of convenience.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © African Studies Association 1975 

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References

1 Udenamo stands for Uniao Democratica Nacional de Mocambique; Manu, for Mozambique African National Union; Unami, for Uniao Africana de Mocambique Independente; Frelimo, for Frente de Libertacao de Mocambique.

2 COREMO stands for Comite Revolucionario de Mocambique.

3 For historical accounts of the liberation movements in Africa see Gibson, Richard, African Liberation Movements (New York: O.U.P., 1972).Google Scholar

4 FNLA stands for Frente Nacional de Libertacao de Angola; MPLA, for Movimento Popular de Libertacao de Angola; UNITA, for Uniao Nacional para a Independencia Total de Angola.

5 Times of Zambia (Lusaka), 2 September 1974.

6 The Guardian Weekly (U.K.), 19 October 1974.

7 The Observer (U.K.), 5 January 1975.

8 Washington Post, 13 January 1975.

9 New York Times, 24 February 1975.

10 The Guardian Weekly (U.K.), 19 October 1974.

11 These battles are much written on, having received a lot of publicity when they occurred. A comprehensive account is provided by Kees Maxey, The Fight for Zimbabwe: The Armed Conflict in South Rhodesia since UDI (Essex, U.K., 1973).

12 They were later published in Zimbabwe News, Vol. 7, No. 3, March 1973.Google Scholar

13 Reply to Observations on Our Struggle’,” 17 March 1970, p. 4.Google Scholar

14 “On the Coup Crisis Precipitated by Chikerema, J.,” 21 March 1970, p. 4.Google Scholar

15 The Guardian (U.K.), 22 January 1971.Google Scholar

16 For a skeptical analysis of the motives of Chikerema’s group see an article in a student journal, Pfumo, May 1971 (published in London by the Zimbabwe Students’ Union).

17 Zambia Daily Mail, 11 August 1971.Google Scholar

18 Lusaka, 13 June 1973.

19 Carter, Gwendolen M., “Black Initiatives for Change in Southern Africa,” Issue (Spring 1974), p. 9.Google Scholar

20 Statement after the Mbeya Protocol, Zanu Publicity Office, Lusaka.

21 The Daily Telegraph, 13 January 1975. Cf. the Zimbabwe African National Union Memorandum to the OAU Liberation Committee, Dar es Salaam, 8 January 1975, p. 5.Google Scholar

22 Zimbabwe Review, 11 January 1975, p. 2.Google Scholar

23 Both Zambia and Tanzania have single-party constitutions. However, Botswana is a multi-party state.

24 The clause was drafted and proposed by Mr. Herbert Chitepo but the words “and all other forms of struggle” were President Kaunda’s amendment.

25 Zimbabwe Review, 23 December 1974, p. 3.Google Scholar

26 The Daily Telegraph (U.K.), 5 March 1975; The Sunday Times (U.K.), 9 March 1975; The Guardian Weekly (U.K.), 8 March 1975.

27 Zimbabwe African National Union Memorandum to the OAU Liberation Committee, Dar es Salaam, 8 January 1975, p. 4.

28 Ibid., p. 7.

29 ZANU’s Position on the Closure of its Broadcasting Facilities on Radio Zambia-Lusaka, Dar es Salaam, 3 January 1975.