Published online by Cambridge University Press: 13 August 2021
Virtually all of the literature concerning the politics of South Africa analyzes the dynamics of that system within the frameworks of racism, authoritarianism, and repression. Yet, strangely, the political institution which is necessarily the bulwark of such a system—the military—has attracted scant attention except in terms of strategy and armaments.
1 For a detailed analysis of how this came about electorally, see Newell M. Stultz, Afrikaner Politics in South Africa, 1934-1948. Stultz’s study underscores a fact too often ignored in ethnic politics: that ethnicity is not only a given condition which shapes politics; rather, politics can shape and even help create ethnic groups.
2 Berghe, Pierre van den, South Africa: A Study in Conflict (Berkeley, 1967), p. 63 Google Scholar.
3 Idem, “The Role of the Army in Contemporary Africa,” in Wilson C. McWilliams, ed.. Garrisons and Government (San Francisco, 1967), p. 281.
4 South African Institute of Race Relations, A Survey of Race Relations in South Africa, 1974 (Johannesburg, 1975), p. 52 Google Scholar.
5 Anthony Lewis, “South Africa: The End is Inevitable But Not Predictable,” New York Times Magazine, 21 September 1975, p. 84.
6 For a discussion of the concept of “subimperialism” and its application to South Africa, see Coles, Jane and Cohen, Robin, “South African Subimperialism,” paper presented at the Conferences on Dependence, Crisis, and Transformation in the World System, Richardson Institute, London, June 1975 Google Scholar.
7 This chronological turning point has been suggested by South African political scientist Adrian Guelke, Queen’s University, Belfast, in conversation with the author, February 1975, and by Newell Stultz in conversation with the author, September 1975.
8 Stultz, Afrikaner Politics.
9 Stultz in communication with the author, September 1975.
10 Van den Berghe in McWilliams, p. 281.
11 It is worth perhaps speculating about how the peculiar ethnic complexion of each service affects defense arrangements with foreign governments. It could be that one reason for the British government’s reluctance to terminate the 1957 Simonstown naval agreement with Pretoria is the ease of the relationship between the British naval personnel and the English-speaking officers in South Africa’s navy. London only gave in to anti-apartheid movement pressure and formally terminated the Simonstown agreement in 1975.
12 The Star (South Africa), 13 December 1974.
13 Ibid.
14 Peele, Stanton and Morse, Stanley J., “Ethnic Voting and Political Change in South Africa,” American Political Science Review, Vol. 68, No. 4, December 1974, pp. 1520–1541 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
15 Figure comes from U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, World Military Expenditure and Arms Trade, 1963-73 (Washington, D.C., 1974), p. 55 Google Scholar.
16 South African Institute of Race Relations, A Survey of Race Relations in South Africa 1972 (Johannesburg, 1973), p. 313 Google Scholar.
17 Idem, A Survey of Race Relations in South Africa, 1967 (Johannesburg, 1968), p. 135.
18 Idem, A Survey of Race Relations in South Africa, 1970 (Johannes burg, 1971), p. 119.
19 Ibid., p. 34.
20 Cape Times (South Africa), 1 January 1975.
21 Survey of Race Relations, 1972, p. 68.
22 Survey of Race Relations, 1974, p. 56.
23 The Guardian (U.K.), 16 May 1975.
24 ibid.
25 For an extended analysis of the often ironic relationship between “development” and ethnicity, see Enloe, Cynthia H., Ethnic Conflict and Political Development (Boston, 1973)Google Scholar.
26 Natal Mercury (South Africa), 6 June 1974.
27 Survey of Race Relations, 1974, p. 56.
28 The Star (South Africa), 14 May 1975.
29 Natal Mercury (South Africa), 11 January 1975.
30 Berghe, Pierre van den, Race and Ethnicity (New York, 1970), p. 179 Google Scholar.
31 Survey of Race Relations, 1970, p. 34.
32 Sunday Express (South Africa), 16 June 1974.
33 Minty, Abdul, “Military and Police in Maintenance of Domestic Order in South Africa,” paper presented at a Conference on Military and Police in Maintenance of Domestic Order: British and Third World Experiences, Richardson Institute, London, May 1975 Google Scholar.
34 For Bantustan officials’ reactions, see Rand Daily Mail (South Africa), 20 June 1974 and 5 December 1974.
35 For an analysis of the ethnic calculations that have shaped other sub-Saharan militaries under colonial and post-colonial regimes, see Enloe, , “Ethnicity and the Myth of the Military in African Development,” Ufahamu, Vol. 4, No. 2 (Fall 1972), pp. 35–56 Google Scholar.
36 The evolution from police state to garrison state is described in Minty, “Military and Police.”
37 The Times (London), 27 March 1975.
38 Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, The Arms Trade with the Third World (Harmondsworth, 1975), p. 251 Google Scholar.
39 Survey of Race Relations, 1974, p. 301.
40 “Intelligence Report,” Parade Magazine {Boston Globe), 21 Septem ber 1975.
41 A discussion of the impact of ethnicity on the Malaysian military is included in Enloe, “Civilian Control of the Military: Implications in the Plural Societies of Guyana and Malaysia,” in Claude E. Welch, ed., Military Might and Civilian Right (New York, forthcoming).