Published online by Cambridge University Press: 13 August 2021
Modeled after the U.S. presidency, the office of the president of Nigeria is easily the most powerful position in the land. The president is both the chief of state and the head of government. The authority of the nation’s chief executive expanded greatly during the patrimonial regimes of General Ibrahim Babangida and General Sani Abacha. Indeed, not only was power concentrated in the hands of these despots, its exercise was also marked by massive corruption, brazen nepotism, and sustained brutality. Against this background, it was perhaps natural that the presidential election of February 27, 1999, would excite keen interest among the Nigerian populace, elite groups, ethnoregional blocs, and the international community. This article highlights some of the ethnoregional forces and elite interests that influenced the election and examines their possible implications for the sustenance of democracy and good governance in Nigeria.
1. The candidates at the PDP/Jos convention each received the following number of votes: Obasanjo—1,658; Ek-wueme—521; Chief Dan Etete, a former petroleum minister from the south-south zone—106; Alabo Tonye Graham Douglas, former minister for aviation from the south-south zone—71; Chief Jim Nwobodo, former state governor and minister from the southeastern zone—59; Philip Asiodu, former civil servant and petroleum secretary from the south-south zone—12; Senator Francis El-lah, former civil servant and federal legislator from the south-south zone—12.
2. See, e.g., Newswatch, March 1, 1998, 13; The News, March, 1, 1999,23.
3. Tempo, February 11, 1999, 19.
4. The Guardian (Lagos), February 23, 1999, 8.