One of the most obvious social situations in the middle Benue Valley is the expansion in all directions of the Tiv, who number some 800,000 and are the largest pagan tribe in Northern Nigeria. One of the most puzzling aspects of Tiv expansion has been that, although it is obviously connected in many areas with land shortage and accompanying economic factors, it is precisely in those areas in which land shortage is least severe that the rate of migration appears to be most rapid.

Centrifugal expansion is intimately associated with the social and political structure of the Tiv people—is, in fact, a facet of it. In order to analyse this association, and incidentally to explain the paradox of the rate of expansion, it is necessary to divide the movement into two sorts: expansion and disjunction. Expansion refers to that type of movement which leads to the enlargement in area of a lineage's territory. It may eventually lead to a change in geographical location of the lineage territory; it does not affect the over-all juxtaposition of lineage areas. Disjunction, on the other hand, characteristically brings about a separation of groups in space and affects not only the geographical position of a lineage territory, but also the juxtaposition of lineage territories.

The first section of this article will set forth briefly the relationship between movements of lineages, territorial organization, and the structure of political lineages. The second section will examine expansion; the third, disjunction. The fourth will show that the two types of migration are both present in all parts of the country, and that it is the primacy of one or the other which gives rise to an apparent difference in rate of migration.

This paper attempts to relate some types of sanctions and some agencies of social control to their structural background. When the analysis has been made the interrelation may appear self-evident. This may simply mean that we recognize that a certain type of social structure is a condition of the operation of a certain type of sanctions. The study of these interrelations may enable us to gain a better understanding of both sanctions and structure.

Most people are vaguely aware that the characteristic feature of African music is its rhythms. Some would say with the late Professor Hornbostel of Berlin that ‘it is syncopated past comprehension’; others would claim that any competent Western musician could reproduce African rhythms. Does the truth lie with either of these views or does it lie somewhere between them ? It is time we knew what Africans really do: and it is the purpose of this paper to give some account of the bases of their musical practice.

Those Bantu languages which show the greatest number of correspondences in their concord systems have three kinds of prefixes:

1. Nominal prefixes, with m- in classes 1, 3, 4 and 6; they are used in nouns, locatives (as pre-prefixes), and adjectives.

2. Pronominal prefixes, usually without m- in classes 1, 3, 4, 6 and without forms for 1st and 2nd person (except in the personal pronoun); they appear in all other concording words except principal (i.e. non-relative) verb forms.

3. Verbal prefixes, usually without m- in classes 1, 3, 4, 6, with forms for 1st and 2nd person, and often with a special form in class 1 (e.g. a- as opposed to the pronominal prefix u- or yu-); they obtain as subject-prefixes in the principal verb forms.

A Money prize not exceeding £20 is offered in 1954 for a piece of original JLx. literary work by an African whose home is in any part of Africa south of the Sahara.

1. The length of the manuscript should be not less than 7,500 or more than 15,000 words.

2. The language may be English, French, Portuguese, or Afrikaans.

3. The manuscript submitted must show literary merit and be of general interest; the subject matter may include history, biography, folklore, fiction, or studies of African life and thought.

Parmi les mouvements prophétiques qui donnent depuis plusieurs dizaines d'années un caractère spécifique au tableau religieux de la basse côte éburnéenne, le harrisme occupe une place de toute première importance, comptant décidément plus de fidèles que les Eglises missionnaires locales et les cultes autochtones. Déjà, en 1940, d'après les documents officiels, les Subdivisions de Grand Lahou et de Fresco (régions où ce mouvement accusait une tres grande intensité) présentaient les chiffres suivants: 7.75 5 harristes, 6.426 catholiques, 5.454 protestants, 2.202 animistes et 439 musulmans.