The article explores the ways in which post-independence political practices in Mozambique's rural areas have shaped attitudes towards official authority, and considers the legacy of those attitudes for the recently promulgated Municipalities Law. The law will transfer a range of state functions to elected district institutions, and grant a greater role to ‘traditional authorities’ (chiefs). Mozambican officials and academics see the law—and decentralisation more widely—as a means of making the state more efficient and more responsive to local needs. However, drawing on case study material from Manica Province, the article argues that neither the Frelimo party-state, nor the opposition military movement Renamo, inculcated a political practice which prepared the way for democratic demands. Nor are chiefs likely to represent community interests effectively. In Manica's rural areas ‘local leaders’ such as businessmen, political party leaders, chiefs and church leaders strongly associate official authority with a level of wealth and education that they do not possess, and which consequently exclude them from holding such positions. They also see elections as potentially destabilising. While there is a strong popular desire for chiefs to resume various roles, officials (and chiefs themselves) usually see their future in terms of a late colonial model, i.e. as an extension of administrative authority. Academic literature on democratisation and civil society often posits an opposition between state and civil society, and democratic aspirations within civil society. However, local attitudes towards authority in Manica Province were strongly based in the history of political practice, and are not necessarily sympathetic to democratic ideals. Nor is there a clear opposition between what has often been called ‘civil society’ and the state: individuals moved in and out of association with official authority; leaders of ‘civil society’ often sought to become part of, not to oppose, the state.

The article explores the conflictual relationship among the Basotho chieftaincy, state, and nation in historical perspective. That history includes consideration of the recent and still unresolved political crisis in Lesotho. The current meaning of Sesotho, the ‘whole life process’ of the Basotho people, is examined in the context of the divergence between state and nation, between chiefs and people, between region and locality, and between modern and customary institutions and forms of organisation. Lesotho is unusual in Africa as a state attempting to emerge from an existing, monocultural nation rather than to build a not yet existing nation out of cultural plurality. It is this very peculiarity, and the state of seemingly endless political turmoil despite the absence of any ‘ethnic factor’ which provides the most telling commentary on more general relations between cultural and historical forms of political organisation in Africa.

This article compares and contrasts the development of the legal systems of two British colonies that occuped almost opposite ends of the colonial judicial continuum: what in colonial times were known as the Gold Coast and Basutoland. Both became British colonies in the late nineteenth century, but followed considerably different paths to that status. In the case of the Gold Coast it followed centuries of contact between Europeans and the coastal peoples in this area of West Africa. In the case of Basutoland incorporation into the European world was a nineteenth-century phenomenon and far more rapid. Nevertheless, at the turn of the century, as indirect rule became the officially accepted wisdom as to how colonial peoples should be ruled, administrators in both colonies sought to make the chiefly order an integral part of the colony's administration and award its chiefs judicial responsibilities. In the Gold Coast, however, chiefly courts remained in competition with a highly developed British-style Supreme Court. In Basutoland there were basically only chiefly courts until late in the colonial period, which applied Sesotho customary law that was written down as the Laws of Lerotholi in 1903. The two-tier judicial system of the Gold Coast allowed far more contestation and was far more flexible and responsive to social changes than was the case in Basutoland. Incremental changes over time meant that the judicial system evolved far more smoothly than in Basutoland. When in the latter colony changes did not come ‘from above’ in the 1940s, there was a serious outbreak of ‘medicine murders’ that many observers felt was directly related to the chiefs losing their judicial role. Also, the colony's high court ruled against the validity of the Laws of Lerotholi in the controversial ‘Regency case’. Apart from being a return to comparative analyses of the impact of colonial rule on former African colonies, much in vogue in the 1960s, this study is an attempt to modify the emphasis on ‘cleavage’ and the ‘coercive’ that has characterised historians' approach to the study of colonial law.

Sleeping-sickness control in southern Uganda created ideological openings for the articulation of colonial visions of African environments. Competing colonial agendas, Ugandans' positions in their own environments, and Ugandans' resistance and responses to colonial schemes determined how such visions played themselves out in practice. The emerging power of colonial science played an important role in colonial attempts at constructing nature and defining Africans' relationship with their environments through disease control. The combination of forced depopulations, strategic clearings, and planned resettlement in British sleeping-sickness control schemes in southern Uganda set in motion a cycle of long-term land alienation from 1906 to 1962 that reflected the particular relations between British science, environmental intervention, and colonisation.

Increasingly, the poor are to be found in the urban areas of developing countries. Many urban households, not only the very poor, face economic insecurity and deprivation. Despite the steady growth of low-income groups in the urban areas of Africa, the mechanisms for coping with urban poverty were not studied to any great extent until the end of the 1980s. Most research into the strategies developed by households to cope with poverty had centred on the rural household. This article focuses on the inhabitants of the town of Mopti, situated in the Sahelian zone of Mali on the border of the inland delta of the river Niger. It deals with the subsistence strategies of different types of urban households and their adjustments to uncertain and deteriorating economic circumstances. In analysing these coping mechanisms account is taken of the various factors affecting households' ability to cope with reduced earnings or lack of income, such as their socio-economic position, migration status, composition and size, and ethnic background. A pertinent question in the analysis is whether urban households, in deteriorating circumstances, diversify their sources of income or specialise in one activity.

This article is a product of research in the Ogoni region of the Niger delta between 1981 and 1991. It analyses an aspect of the pre-colonial economy of Ogoni, which aimed at preserving the proceeds of agricultural production and increasing the wealth of the individual. Agricultural production was not all for subsistence. A substantial proportion was sold off and the proceeds invested in the economy. The article argues that this was possible because the Ogoni were acquainted with the use of an all-purpose currency before the arrival of Europeans. By a method of linguistic analysis it was possible to trace the existence of such an indigenous currency and its spread from the Ogoni area to the rest of the eastern Niger delta and to the greater part of south-east Nigeria. It is shown that the Ogoni were major producers and distributors of large transport and fishing canoes in the eastern Niger delta. A thriving canoe-making industry at Ko on the Imo river, led to a culture of marine transport and distributive long-distance trade through the waterways of the delta and to the island of Equatorial Guinea and to the Cameroons. The conclusion summarises the evidence and drives home the fact that in pre-colonial Ogoni wealth was accumulated and reckoned not by the yardstick of more cash but by the possession of livestock and landed property.