Die Nachkommen des sagenhaften Ngoε wohnen etwa 90 km. nördlich des Kamerunberges an den Abhängen des Kupé und Manεnguba, im zerrissenen Bergland Mbidεhin und im Tale des Kyidε. Ngoε ist der Sage nach aus dem kleineren (edib e njom ‘Mannsee’) der beiden Seen im Ebuɔgε-Krater (<ebuɔg ‘Schüssel, Trog’) entstiegen und traf am Rande des edib e mwad ‘Frauensee’ Asum' Ejaŋ, die seine Frau wurde und ihm viele Kinder schenkte. Durch diese wurde Ngoε der Vater verschiedener Stämme. Sein Sohn Asumε gründete in seinen Nachkommen die fünf Unterstämme der West-Kɔsi: Mwa-Nyɔ, Mw' Etuk, Mw' Asumε Ndεm, Mw' Εtan und Mbogmud. Andere Nachkommen des Ngoε gründeten die Unterstämme der Ost-Kɔsi: Ninɔŋ, Nlilɔg und Eloŋ, auch die Kundu und Londo jenseits des Mongo zählt man unter Ngoε's Nachkommen.

MORTUARY PRACTICES AND ANCESTOR CULT OF THE KƆSI OF THE CAMEROONS

The Kɔsi (Bakossi) of the Cameroons (under British trusteeship) live about 60 miles north of the Cameroon Mountain, on the slopes of Mounts Kupe and Manenguba, in the broken Mbidεhin mountain country, and in the valley of the Kyidε. The Kɔsi fall into two main branches: the West Kɔsi with five sub-tribes and the East Kɔsi with three. All claim descent from a common ancestor who is also said to be the ancestor of the Kundu (Bakundu) and Londo (Balundu), neighbouring tribes on the other side of the Mungo river.

The Kɔsi believe that during the period of the mortuary rites the spirit of a deceased person is travelling to the ‘village of the ancestors’ and he will not be finally accepted there until the rites are completed. After some deaths a post-mortem is held in which the body of the deceased is opened and examined for signs of the possession of a lycanthropic double. The possession of an owl double, shown by the presence of clots of blood near the heart, is evidence that the deceased was a witch. Witches are believed to emerge from their graves and their corpses are mutilated to hinder this. There are special types of rite for persons dying an accidental death. Children dying in infancy are thought to be born again. The Kɔsi grave is oval in shape, a small chamber being made in its side wall to receive the body. After the death of a man his wives observe a period of mourning of one or two years.

The main mortuary rite consists of dancing in which men's associations may take part and, if the deceased has been a fighter, there is a mock battle. Later there is a feast for which considerable quantities of food, livestock, and palm-wine must be collected. The beasts are ritually killed by beheading with one blow or by stabbing through the heart. Offerings of food to the ancestors are thrown on the rubbish heap behind the house. The scale of the rite performed for a woman depends on her status and may equal that for a man, although without the participation of men's associations. After the mourning period and mortuary rites a dead man's goods and wives are inherited by his eldest surviving brother or his eldest son, but his house furniture is still considered to belong to him and is heaped on a frame by the roadside as ahiεg (‘ancestor offering’). When the spirit of the deceased finally reaches the underworld, which is organized like a Kɔsi settlement, the ancestors judge (on the basis of his earthly behaviour) his fitness for acceptance among them. If not accepted a spirit may be condemned to annihilation, or perhaps may be sent back to earth to be reincarnated in the form of an animal, on the death of which the spirit meets its own end. Spirits who are accepted by the ancestors are helped to recover from the weakness due to their recent sickness and death, and those who have died too young to become ancestors are sent back to be born again.

Kɔsi villages have special cleared places (ndiε) on which offerings are made to the ancestors. One important rite is performed on the ndiε at the planting season to secure the fertility of the village women as well as that of the land and livestock. During the course of the rite, mrankum, the masked ‘ demon ’ of a men's association, comes out to rebuke publicly any women who have behaved badly and exhorts them to improve their ways. After a good harvest or when women have become pregnant a similar rite is performed, but without the participation of mwankum. The ancestors may, however, be invoked at other places than the ndiε. For example, a hunter may call on the ancestors to give him good luck by placing a small offering of meat on the edge of the rubbish heap behind the house. Sometimes a kin-group will kill a fowl in the house yard of one of its members, or an offering may be made at the grave of a parent. Oaths may be sworn at the grave of a dead relative. The Ninɔŋ and Eloŋ groups of Kɔsi on the Manenguba slopes assemble twice a year at a special rock and kill a goat.

The ancestors are watchers over law, custom, and morality. Offences against the kinship group are avenged by them and their influence is believed to be present even in the smallest everyday happening. They must be kept happy by offerings in order that they may bring benefits instead of calamities, on the principle of do ut des.