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The Nkumu of the Tumba: Ritual Chieftainship on the Middle Congo

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 August 2012

Extract

The tribes living round Lake Tumba, a lake some thirty-five miles long by twelve wide lying north of Lake Leopold II (approximately o° 30′ south latitude, and 18° east longitude) and draining into the Congo River at the confluence of the Ubangi, lack cohesion and show a considerable variety of custom and language. But they are known collectively as Tumba, the Government adaptation of the Native term Ntomba. Most of them are found to the east of the lake, the whole group numbering perhaps little more than forty to fifty thousand at the present time, though there is evidence that the last twenty years have seen a great decrease in population. European occupation of this area goes back barely fifty years, Protestant missions having been established for about the same length of time. The first mission post was established at Ikoko on the north-east shore of the lake, one of the villages of a group known as Bonginda. In pursuing this investigation particular attention has been given to the practices of this group, but mention is occasionally made where considerable differences have been found elsewhere.

Résumé

LES NKUMU DU LAC TUMBA, CHEFS RITUELS DU MOYEN-CONGO

L'institution du Nkumu est un trait distinctif des peuplades qui vivent dans les environs du Lac Tumba, dans le Congo belge. A l'origine, le Nkumu est quelqu'un de l'extérieur choisi par un village ou une section d'un village; par la suite, sa charge passe à l'un de ses descendants. En cela, il se distingue du chef qui est désigné pour son rôle par sa place dans la généalogie du groupe et il joue par rapport à lui une sorte de rôle complémentaire comme centre rituel du groupe. Avant de commencer à remplir son rôle, le Nkumu passe par une période préparatoire d'une longueur indéterminée, pendant laquelle il doit s'abstenir de porter aucun ornement, et il doit s'efforcer d'amasser la fortune sans laquelle il ne pourrait pas soutenir son rang.

Quand, à la fin de cette période préparatoire, le Nkumu veut entrer en fonction, il commence par aller rendre visite à ses parents et à ses amis, et par chercher à s'entourer de présages favorables. Après des cérémonies préliminaires, il reçoit l'insigne de son rang—le motolo, un chapeau d'un modèle particulier; puis il commence une retraite d'un mois pendant laquelle il ‘achète’ les hommages de ses sujets qui viennent le voir et sont payés pour ce témoignage de soumission volontaire à son autorité. Sa retraite se termine par une cérémonie publique et une grande fête.

L'existence du Nkumu est une manifestation tangible de la cohésion du groupe d'hommes qui se constituent ses sujets. La position du Nkumu et de sa famille par rapport à l'ensemble des sujets est nettement définie. Le Nkumu siège dans l'assemblée du village où il joue le rôle de juge; il a droit à une part des amendes plus importante que celles des autres membres de l'assemblée, mais ses décisions ne sont pas sans appel. Entre sa famille et le village se font des échanges réciproques de portions de gibier, et le village est obligé de faire certains travaux pour son Nkumu. Des règles bien définies définissent les rapports sociaux des deux groupes — d'une part le Nkumu et sa famille, et d'autre part les sujets; et le Nkumu se voit imposer un grand nombre de restrictions et de tabous. Il arrive d'ailleurs, si un Nkumu ne satisfait pas ses sujets, qu'il soit déposé et renvoyé à son village d'origine.

Quand il était à l'agonie, la coutume était que ses esclaves pygmées étranglent le Nkumu, pour empêcher qu'il ne meurt d'une mort naturelle. Ses funérailles étaient accompagnées de cérémonies compliquées au cours desquelles il était d'usage de tuer autant d'esclaves que l'on pouvait en trouver. Il est enterré assis, dans une fosse creusée dans la terre et orientée vers l'ouest.

Type
Research Article
Information
Africa , Volume 14 , Issue 8 , October 1944 , pp. 431 - 447
Copyright
Copyright © International African Institute 1944

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References

page 431 note 1 In My Children of the Forest, New York, 1924, pp. 4851,Google Scholar Andrew F. Hensey has briefly outlined some of the items of interest observed among the nkumu of the district adjacent to that of the present study. These more detailed notes are, however, timely if a record is to be preserved that approximates to accuracy.

page 432 note 1 Where practical, the invested chiefs set up by the Belgian Colonial Government are men chosen because of their right to be known as momene mokonda or molomi o ehe. Often, however, the settlements are so small and lacking in cohesion that it has been necessary to set up chiefs arbitrarily over chieftaincies very much larger than were their own hereditary spheres of influence.

page 433 note 1 If a man's fields do not produce and he cannot understand why, he will resort to nningo. If it suspected, for example, that the trouble is caused by someone making ‘medicine’, an arrow shaft is put into a small hole in the ground, and at each name mentioned, the arrow can be pulled out if the person is innocent, but remains stuck fast in the hole at the mention of the guilty name.

page 435 note 1 Auli refers to the sitting of a hen on eggs, the seclusion of a woman after childbirth, or of the nkumu at this juncture of the ceremonies.

page 436 note 1 It is interesting to note that there are some exceptions to those who may be caught and robbed by Nsono during her eight days of watching. No member of the molembe may be thus treated, twins and their parents are exempt, and also all children born to the nkumu before he attains office, these being termed maomi.

page 436 note 2 Besides Mpenge, a mother of twins is also exempt from according nkumu special salutations, and among some groups the father of twins is also exempt.

page 436 note 3 This ceremony gives husbands of any village, whether they are members of the molembe or not, the opportunity to single out a favourite wife for special honour, for at this time any woman may be given the name of Bolumbu, though not with the significant complement of Itina i Ekopo. The ceremony is similar, is performed at the nanda, but besides receiving the strips of leopard skin, she must be divested of all her clothing, a new lomboo and mpongo are then placed round her, and the strips of skin then attached to the new belt.

page 437 note 1 The lomboo is a belt which used to be worn Tumba women encircling the buttocks, and this was used to attach their only garment, the ekene among the Bonginda, this being a short loin cloth, or an mpmgo among other groups, this being a woven cloth strip worn between the legs.

page 437 note 2 When a new nkumu assumes office, one already in office will take this opportunity of getting more of his sons named Iyomi. He takes them to the molembe of the new nkumu, and having placed a bracelet of cowrie shells on the right wrist, and sometimes one on the right ankle, asks the member of the molembe whose right it is to give away the montolo to name these sons Maomi (pl. of ‘Iyomi’). This man will then take such a son, and presenting him to the people introduce him by giving him a name, and following with praise as, ‘One Iyomi Lonzue, bototo!’ and the crowd replies with the customary ‘Bwoo!

page 437 note 3 It is well to remember that not every individual bearing names associated with the institution of the nkumu is directly concerned with it. With the practice of resurrecting’ dead relatives by naming new-born children after them, such names as these become widespread.

page 441 note 1 Owing to the lack of tribal cohesion, warfare was not on any considerable scale. The method of warfare consisted in sending groups of young men to fight first, the elders only joining in when one side began to get the worst of the fray. Victors and vanquished in suchfightswere designated ‘husband’ and ‘wife’ respectively, and members of the one group were free to come and go in the villages of the other, and even to help themselves to food. In future wars ‘husband’ and ‘wife’ were supposed to combine against their common foes.

page 441 note 2 Besides nkumu, elderly and rich men, fathers and mothers of twins, and twins are buried in the ilima or sitting posture, in contradistinction to the monsepa position which is the recumbent one used for ordinary people and slaves.

page 442 note 1 A lokuku is a slit gong made from a hollowed log. Its two notes are produced by striking the two lips of the slit. A nungu is a hollowed log, open at one end, across which is stretched a vellum hide.

page 445 note 1 The body was supposed to have remained in state for seven to nine days, but actually it was buried privately soon after death, a dummy being set up with the montolo on its head, and the succeeding ceremonies being conducted with only the dummy in the place of the actual body. The inland villages however did allow the body to remain unburied for the long period, the wives being forced to keep watch in the same house. The Bonginda buried their nkumu generally in their houses at the spot where they had been accustomed to rest, burying the dummy at some other spot farther off.

page 445 note 2 All burials have particular regard to this east-west position, those buried in the recumbent position having the feet to the west. The native explanation is that this allows the spirit of the departed to follow the path of the sinking sun.