This chapter examines number-marking in suppletive verbs in Hiaki, with pluractionality in Chechen, and without an overt mass/count distinction in Dëne Suliné. The grammatical encoding of number is one of the most varied areas of all cross-linguistic variation, and our syntax–semantics models cannot restrict themselves to limited samples of a handful of nonminoritized languages if our aim is to develop nonbrittle theories and truly challenge the view that English is as ‘equally’ representative of the human language faculty as any other language we choose to start from.