Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 December 2009
The ambitions of young people play an integral role in the likelihood of their successful transition into adulthood (Schneider & Stevenson, 1999). Social scientists have shown that the expectations children (and their parents) have for their futures profoundly influence later educational and occupational success (Hauser & Anderson, 1991; Kerckhoff, 1976; Schoon, Martin, & Ross, 2007; Schoon & Parsons, 2002; Sewell, Haller, & Ohlendorf, 1970). Many of these studies were conducted when only a third of adolescents in high school planned to attend college. What has changed dramatically in the past fifty years is that the overwhelming majority of parents expect their teenagers will not only attend college but also will receive a bachelor's degree (National Center for Education Statistics [NCES], 2005). These high educational expectations are not merely a U.S. phenomenon; the same trends are evident among many industrialized countries throughout the world (Carnoy, 2001). In South Korea, for example, where demand for postsecondary education exceeds supply, there has been a dramatic expansion in shadow education activities – such as tutors and special classes – that wealthier families are using to help their adolescents achieve a competitive advantage for the few selected slots at the most prestigious universities (Lee, Park, & Lee, 2009).
In the United States, high educational expectations are found among all teenagers regardless of their racial and ethnic background and the economic and social resources of their families.
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