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11 - Wh-questions

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 July 2016

Jong-Bok Kim
Affiliation:
Kyung Hee University, Seoul
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Summary

Korean is a wh-in-situ language in the sense that the wh-expression stays in situ with an obligatory Q-particle marking its interrogative scope. This chapter reviews some basic properties of the wh-question construction in Korean and shows how a constraint- and construction-based HPSG can provide a robust, precise analysis of the wh-construction in the language.

Dependency between wh-question and Q-particle

Unlike English, Korean is a wh-in-situ language where the wh-word stays in the original position (see, among others, Hagstrom 1998, Chung 2000, Kim 2000, and Hong 2005).

(1) a. ecey Mimi-ka nwukwu-lul manna-ss-ni?

yesterday Mimi-NOM who-ACC meet-PST-QUE

‘Who(m) did Mimi meet yesterday?’

b. ecey nwu-ka Mimi-lul manna-ss-ni?

yeterday who-NOM Mimi-ACC meet-PST-QUE

‘Who met Mimi yesterday?’

As seen from these examples, unlike English, there is no displacement (or movement) of the wh-phrase in forming the wh-questions. The wh-expression in Korean need not move to the clausal scope (clause-initial) position, though it can be optionally displaced to the position through a scrambling process:

(2) nwukwu-lul ecey Mimi-ka manna-ss-ni?

who-ACC yesterday Mimi-NOM meet-PST-QUE

‘Who(m) did Mimi meet yesterday?’

In forming a wh-question in the language, all that is required is the presence of a Q-particle. That is, the wh-expression requires a question mood marking (Q-particle) like -ni on the matrix verb to have an interrogative meaning.Without such a Q-particle, the wh-expression can be interpreted as an indefinite pronoun (see Chung 1996, Kim 2000, Hong 2005):

(3) a. Mimi-ka mwues-ul mek-ess-ta

Mimi-NOM what-ACC eat-PST-DECL

‘Mimi ate something.’

b. nwu-ka Mimi-lul manna-ss-ta

who-NOM Mimi-ACC meet-PST-DECL

‘Someone met Mimi.’

The wh-expression is thus ambiguous between an interrogative reading and an indefinite reading, depending on the presence of the Q-particle.

The Q-particle can be attached to the final verb of a clause located to the right of the corresponding wh-element, marking its scope, as illustrated by the following:

(4) a. Embedded clause wh-question

Haha-nun [Mia-ka mwues-ul sa-ss-nunci] mwul-ess-ni?

Haha-TOP Mia-NOM what-ACC buy-PST-QUE ask-PST-QUE

‘Did Haha ask what Mia bought?’

#‘What did Haha ask if Mia bought?’

b. Matrix clause wh-question

Haha-nun [Mia-ka mwues-ul sa-ss-ta-ko]

Haha-TOP Mia-NOM what-ACC buy-PST-DECL-CONN

malha-yess-ni?

say-PST-QUE

‘What did Haha say Mia bought?’

In both cases, the wh-question is in the embedded clause but the position of the Q-particle differs.

Type
Chapter
Information
The Syntactic Structures of Korean
A Construction Grammar Perspective
, pp. 242 - 255
Publisher: Cambridge University Press
Print publication year: 2016

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  • Wh-questions
  • Jong-Bok Kim, Kyung Hee University, Seoul
  • Book: The Syntactic Structures of Korean
  • Online publication: 05 July 2016
  • Chapter DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781316217405.011
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  • Wh-questions
  • Jong-Bok Kim, Kyung Hee University, Seoul
  • Book: The Syntactic Structures of Korean
  • Online publication: 05 July 2016
  • Chapter DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781316217405.011
Available formats
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Save book to Google Drive

To save content items to your account, please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Find out more about saving content to Google Drive.

  • Wh-questions
  • Jong-Bok Kim, Kyung Hee University, Seoul
  • Book: The Syntactic Structures of Korean
  • Online publication: 05 July 2016
  • Chapter DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781316217405.011
Available formats
×