References
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 24 October 2024
- Type
- Chapter
- Information
- Religion and the Making of Roman AfricaVotive Stelae, Traditions, and Empire, pp. 398 - 446Publisher: Cambridge University PressPrint publication year: 2024
References
Adams, J. N. 2007. The Regional Diversification of Latin, 200 BC–AD 600. Cambridge.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Agelarakis, A., Kanta, A., and Stampolidis, N. 1998. “The Osseous Record in the Western Necropolis of Amathus and Archeo-anthropological Investigation.” In Karageorghis, V. and Stampolidis, N. (eds.), Eastern Mediterranean: Cyprus – Dodecanese – Crete 16th–6th cent. B.C. Athens, 217–29.Google Scholar
Allen, S. L. 2015. The Splintered Divine: A Study of Istar, Baal, and Yahweh. Divine Names and Divine Multiplicity in the Ancient Near East. Studies in Ancient Near Eastern Records 5. Boston, MA.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Amadasi Guzzo, M. G. 1986. “La documentazione epigrafica del tofet di Mozia e il problema del sacrificio molk.” In Bonnet, C., Lipinski, E., and Marchetti, P. (eds.), Religio Phoenicia. Collection d’études classiques 1, 4. Namur, 189–207.Google Scholar
Amadasi Guzzo, M. G. 1988. “Cultura punica e cultura latina in Tripolitania: osservazioni in base alle iscrizioni puniche e alle iscrizioni bilingui.” In Campanile, E. (ed.), Bilinguismo e biculturalismo nel mondo antico. Pisa, 23–38.Google Scholar
Amadasi Guzzo, M. G. 1993. “Osservazioni sulle stele iscritte di Tiro.” RStFen 21, 157–63.Google Scholar
Amadasi Guzzo, M. G. 1994. “Les inscriptions.” In Krings, V. (ed.), La civilisation phénicienne et punique: manuel de recherche. Leiden, 17–30.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Amadasi Guzzo, M. G. 2002. “Le iscrizioni dei tofet: osservazioni sulle espressioni d’offerta.” In González Wagner, C. and Ruiz Cabrero, L. A. (eds.), Molk als Opferbegriff im Punischen und Hebräischen, und das Ende des Gottes Moloch = Molk como concepto del sacrificio punico y hebreo, y el final del dios Moloch. Madrid, 93–119.Google Scholar
Amadasi Guzzo, M. G. 2005. “Les phases du Phénicien: Phénicien et Punique.” In Fronzaroli, P. and Marrassini, P. (eds.), Proceedings of the 10th Meeting of Hamito-Semitic (Afroasiatic) Linguistics (Florence, 18–20 April 2001). Florence, 95–103.Google Scholar
Amadasi Guzzo, M. G. 2008. “Le clergé punique d’après les inscriptions.” In Lieux de cultes: aires votives, temples, églises, mosquées: IXe Colloque international sur l’histoire et l’archéologie de l’Afrique du Nord, Tripoli, 19–25 février 2005. Paris, 31–6.Google Scholar
Amadasi Guzzo, M. G. and Karageorghis, V. 1977. Fouilles de Kition III: Inscriptions phéniciennes. Nicosia.Google Scholar
Ando, C. 2000. Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire. Berkeley, CA.Google Scholar
Andrade, N. 2022. “Syrian Goddess, Arabian God: Addressing Gods through Ethnics.” Mythos 16. https://doi.org/10.4000/mythos.5243.Google Scholar
Aoulad Tahar, M. 2004. “L’hellénisme dans le royaume numide au IIe siècle av. J.C.” AntAfr 40–1, 29–41.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Aounallah, S. 2003. “Notes sur la société et les institutions de Thugga (Dougga, Tunisie du Nord-Ouest) des origines jusqu’à la formation du municipe.” In Bost, J. P., Roddaz, M., and Tassaux, F. (eds.), Itinéraires de Saintes à Dougga. Mélanges offerts à Louis Maurin. Bordeaux, 247–61.Google Scholar
Aounallah, S. 2010. Pagus, castellum et civitas: études d’épigraphie et d’histoire sur le village et la cité en Afrique romaine. Paris.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Aounallah, S. 2020. “Le statut juridique des communautés de l’Africa sous république (146–27 a.C.).” In Aounallah, S. and Mastino, A. (eds.), L’epigrafia del Nord Africa: novità, riletture, nuove sintesi. Faenza, 33–52.Google Scholar
Aounallah, S., Brouquier-Reddé, V., Abidi, H., Artru, J., Slimène, H., Maligorne, Y., Sghaïer, Y., and Touj, F. 2020a. “Architecture et pratiques funéraires préromaines dans la nécropole du Nord-Ouest à Dougga.” AntAfr 56, 183–205.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Aounallah, S., Brouquier-Reddé, V., Abidi, H., Ben Romdhane, H., Chérif, A., and Cuzel, P. 2021. “Topographie, architecture et épigraphie cultuelle de Dougga (Afrique proconsulaire).” In Ben Abid, L., Martínez, F. P., and Grira, M. (eds.), De Carthage à Carthagène. Bâtir en Afrique et en Ibérie durant l’Antiquité. Alicante, 445–84.Google Scholar
Aounallah, S., Brouquier-Reddé, V., Abidi, H., Romdhane, H. B., Bonifay, M., Hadded, F., Nouri, S. H., Larminat, S. d., Mukai, T., Poupon, F., and Zech-Matterne, V. 2020b. “L’aire sacrée de Baal Hammon: Saturne à Dougga.” AntAfr 56, 245–73.Google Scholar
Aounallah, S. and Cavalier, L. 2013. “Thignica: Rapport final quadriennal 2011–2015.” Chronique des activités archéologiques de l’École française de Rome. https://doi.org/10.4000/cefr.1608. Accessed January 9, 2024.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Aounallah, S. and Golvin, J. C. 2016. Dougga: études d’architecture religieuse, 2. Bordeaux.Google Scholar
Aounallah, S. and Mastino, A. (eds.). 2020. L’epigrafia del Nord Africa: Novità, riletture, nuove sintesi. Faenza.Google Scholar
Aounallah, S. and Maurin, L. 2008. “Pagus et civitas Siviritani. Une nouvelle ‘commune double’ dans la pertica de Carthage.” ZPE 167, 227–50.Google Scholar
Aounallah, S. and Maurin, L. 2013. “Le statut d’Hadrumetum à la fin de la République et sous le Haut-Empire romain.” Africa 23, 93–102.Google Scholar
Ardeleanu, S. 2016. “Theoretische, methodologische und historiographische Überlegungen zum ‘Punisierungsmodell’ anhand der Befundlage in Numidien.” In Schön, F. and Töpfer, H. (eds.), Karthago Dialoge: Karthago und der punische Mittelmeerraum – Kulturkontakte undKulturtransfers im 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr. Tubingen, 13–37.Google Scholar
Ardeleanu, S. 2018. “Giallo Antico in Context: Distribution, Use and Commercial Actors According to New Stratigraphic Data from the Western Mediterranean.” In Poljak, D. Matetic and Marasovic, K. (eds.), ASMOSIA XI: Interdisciplinary Studies on Ancient Stone. Split, 155–65.Google Scholar
Ardeleanu, S. 2021. Numidia Romana? Die Auswirkungen der römischen Präsenz in Numidien (2. Jh. v. Chr.–1. Jh. n. Chr.). Wiesbaden.Google Scholar
Atalay, S. 2006. “Indigenous Archaeology as Decolonizing Practice.” American Indian Quarterly 30, 280–310.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Aubet, M. E. 2004. The Phoenician Cemetery of Tyre-Al Bass: Excavations, 1997–1999. Beirut.Google Scholar
Azaza, M. and Colominas, L. 2019. “Romanization and Animal Husbandry in Tunisia: Demand for Wool?” In Gourichon, L., Daujeard, C., and Brugal, J. P. (eds.), Hommes et caprinés: De la montagne à la steppe, de la chasse à l’élevage. Antibes, 243–54.Google Scholar
Azaza, M. and Colominas, L. 2020. “Roman Tunisian Dietary Patterns as a Feature of Romanitas: An Archaeozoological Approach.” International Journal of Osteoarchaeology 30, 529–37.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Baills, N. 2003. “Les stèles épigraphiques dediées aux enfants en bâs age.” In Gourevitch, D., Moirin, A., and Rouquet, N. (eds.), Maternité et petite enfance dans l’Antiquité romaine. Bourges, 125–31.Google Scholar
Ballu, A. 1922. Rapport sur les travaux de fouilles et de consolidations exécutés par le Service des Monuments Historiques (Exercice 1921). Algiers.Google Scholar
Baradez, J. 1957a. “Nouvelles fouilles à Tipasa. Survivances du culte de Baal et de Tanit au 1er siècle de l’ère chrétienne: tombe d’un sacrificateur.” Libyca 5, 221–75.Google Scholar
Baradez, J. 1957b. “Nouvelles fouilles à Tipasa: dans une nécropole païenne.” Libyca 5, 159–220.Google Scholar
Baradez, J. 1961. “Quatorze années de recherches archéologiques à Tipasa.” RAfr 105, 215–50.Google Scholar
Baratte, F. and Benzina Ben Abdallah, Z. 2000. “Le sanctuaire de Saturne à Ammaedara (Haïdra, Tunisie): Documents inédits.” RA 2000, 51–79.Google Scholar
Baratte, F., Brouquier-Reddé, V., and Rocca, E. (eds.). 2018. Du culte aux sanctuaires: L’architecture religieuse dans l’Afrique romaine et byzantine : actes du colloque 18–19 avril 2013, Paris. Orient & méditerranée. Paris.Google Scholar
Barré, M. L. 1983. The God–List in the Treaty between Hannibal and Philip V of Macedonia: A Study in Light of the Ancient Near Eastern Treaty Tradition. Johns Hopkins Near Eastern Studies. Baltimore, MD.Google Scholar
Barreca, F. 1965. “L’esplorazione lungo la costa sulcitana.” In, M. Guzzo, G. Amadasi, Barreca, F., Bartoloni, P., Brancoli, I., Cecchini, S. M., Garbini, G., Moscati, S., and Pesce, G. (eds.), Monte Sirai II: Rapporto preliminare della Missione archeologica dell’Università di Roma e della Soprintendenza alle Antichità di Cagliari. Rome, 141–65.Google Scholar
Barreca, F. 1983. “L’archeologia fenicio–punica in Sardegna.” In Atti del I Congresso internazionale di Studi Fenici e Punici, Roma 1983. 291–310.Google Scholar
Barrett, C. forthcoming. Handbook of the Archaeology of Ancient Mediterranean Religion. London.Google Scholar
Barron, C. 2020. “Amator Concordiae, Ornator Patriae. The Latinisation of Punic Titles in Early Imperial Lepcis Magna.” LibSt 51, 10–23.Google Scholar
Bartoloni, P. 1976. Le stele arcaiche del Tofet di Cartagine. Collezione di studi fenici. Rome.Google Scholar
Bartoloni, P. 1992. “Ceramiche vascolari miniaturistiche dal tofet di Sulcis.” Quaderni della Soprintendenza Archeologica per le Province di Cagliari e Oristano 9, 141–50.Google Scholar
Bartoloni, P. 1994. “L’impianto urbanistico di Monte Sirai nell’età repubblicana.” AfrRom 10, 817–29.Google Scholar
Bartoloni, P. 2005. “Fenici e Cartaginesi nel golfo di Oristano.” In Spanò Giammellaro, A. (ed.), Atti del V Congresso Internazionale di Studi Fenici e Punici. Palermo, 939–50.Google Scholar
Bartoloni, P. 2017. “Bitia.” In Guirguis, M. (ed.), La Sardegna fenicia e punica: Storia e materiali. Nuoro, 123–8.Google Scholar
Bauer, A. A. 2013. “Objects and Their Glassy Essence: Semiotics of Self in the Early Bronze Age Black Sea.” Signs and Society 1, 1–31.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Beard, M. and North, J. (eds.). 1990. Pagan Priests: Religion and Power in the Ancient World. London.Google Scholar
Beauchesne, P. and Agarwal, S. C. (eds.). 2018. Children and Childhood in Bioarchaeology. Oxford.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Becker, T. 2015. “Untersuchungen zu den Tierknochen.” In Ritter, S. and von Rummel, P. (eds.), Archäologische Untersuchungen zur Siedlungsgeschichte von Thugga III. Wiesbaden, 303–17.Google Scholar
Bédoui, H. and Oueslati, T. 2007. “Les incinérations votives humaines et animales du sanctuaire.” In ElHami, 450–68.Google Scholar
Belayche, N. and Pirenne-Delforge, V. 2015. Fabriquer du divin: Constructions et ajustements de la représentation des dieux dans l’antiquité. Collection Religions. Liège.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Belfaida, A. 2012. “Les formules ex visu et ex iussu dans l’épigraphie religieuse de l’Afrique Romaine.” AfrRom 19, 2161–72.Google Scholar
Belkahia, S. and Di Vita–Evrard, G. 1995. “Magistratures autochtones dans les cités pérégrines de l’Afrique proconsulaire.” In Monuments fundraires, institutions autochtones: L’Afrique du Nord antique et medievale. Paris, 255–73.Google Scholar
Ben Abdallah, Z. B. and Peyras, J. 1997. “Le Mibil, association religieuse ou sanctuaire? Recherches sur une énigme épigraphique.” AntAfr 129–41.Google Scholar
Ben Abid, L. 2003. Le culte de Baal Hammon dans la province d’Afrique: entre tradition et romanisation. Unpublished PhD thesis. University of Tunis.Google Scholar
Ben Abid, L. 2009. “L’eau dans le culte de Baal Hammon.” In Meouak, M. and Hassen, M. (eds.), Eau et peuplement au Maghreb durant l’Antiquite et le Moyen Age. Tunis, 239–63.Google Scholar
Ben Abid, L. 2010a. “Le paysage religieux de Maktar à l’époque préromaine.” RHR 4, 683–701.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ben Abid, L. 2010b. “Note sur l’origine des cartons dans les ateliers de sculpture: Jupiter sur les reliefs de la Tunisie centrale.” AfrRom 18, 815–34.Google Scholar
Ben Abid, L. (ed.). 2010c. Iconographie et religions dans le Maghreb antique et médiéval. Tunis.Google Scholar
Ben Abid, L. 2014a. “Les scènes de sacrifice sur les stèles du tophet de Sousse.” Saguntum 46, 69–78.Google Scholar
Ben Abid, L. 2014b. “Y avait: Il un Saturne italique en Afrique du Nord?” In Abid, L. Ben (ed.), Centre de pouvoir et organisation de l’espace: Xè Colloque international sur l’histoire et l’archéologie de l’Afrique du Nord préhistorique, antique et médiévale. Caen, 557–76.Google Scholar
Ben Abid, L. 2017. “Les lieux de culte païens à Ammaedara et ses environs immédiats.” Africa 24, 69–82.Google Scholar
Ben Baaziz, S. 1985. “Neptune, dieu guérisseur.” In Ben Baaziz, S. (ed.), L’homme méditerranéen et la mer: Actes du Trosième Congrès international d’études des cultures de la Méditerranée occidentale, Jerba avril 1981. Tunis, 425–34.Google Scholar
Ben Hassen, H. 1992. “Thignica: Découverte d’un ensemble religieux dédié à Dis et à Saturne.” In Ben Hassen, H., (ed.), Histoire et archéologie de l’Afrique du Nord: Actes du Ve Colloque international réuni dans le cadre du 115e Congrès national des Sociétés savantes (Avignon, 9–13 avril 1990). Spectacles, vie portuaire, religions. Avignon, 201–17.Google Scholar
Ben Hassen, H. and Ferjaoui, A. 2008. “Nouvelles stèles votives provenant de Aïn Tounga et la question de localisation du sanctuaire de Ba’al Hammon Saturne.” REPPAL 14, 5–14.Google Scholar
Ben Jerbania, I., Ferjaoui, A., Peña, V., Redissi, T., Jendoubi, K., Maddahi, N., and Khalfalli, W. 2023. “New Excavations in the Sanctuary of Ba‘l Ḥammon in Carthage.” Journal of Ancient History 11, 304–23.Google Scholar
Ben Moussa, M. 2007. La production de sigillées africaines: Recherches d’histoire et d’archeologie en Tunisie septentrionale et centrale. Barcelona.Google Scholar
Ben Tahar, S. 2010. “Une tombe monumentale d’époque républicaine à Marguène (île de Jerba, Tunisie).” AntAfr 55–85.Google Scholar
Ben Tahar, S., Drine, A., Kaufman, B., and Barnard, H. 2021. “Zita from the Fifth Century BCE to the Second Century CE: The Ceramic Evidence.” In Docter, R. F. and Hahnmüller, V. Martínez (eds.), Carthage Studies 12. Ghent, 81–184.Google Scholar
Bender Jørgensen, L. 2011. “Clavi and Non-Clavi: Definitions of Various Bands on Roman Textiles.” In Alfarom, C., Borgard, P., Brun, J. P., and Pierobon, R. (eds.), Purpureae vestes III. Textiles y Tintes en la ciudad antiqua: Actas del III Symposium Internacional sobre Textiles y Tintes del Mediterráneo en el mundo antiguo (Napoles, 13 al 15 de noviembre, 2008). Valencia, 75–80.Google Scholar
Bendlin, A. 2000. “Looking beyond the Civic Compromise: Religious Pluralism in Late Republican Rome.” In Bispham, E. and Smith, C. (eds.), Religion in Archaic and Republican Rome and Italy: Evidence and Experience. Edinburgh, 115–35.Google Scholar
Bénichou-Safar, H. 1982. Les tombes puniques de Carthage: Topographie, structures, inscriptions et rites funéraires. Etudes d’Antiquités africaines. Paris.Google Scholar
Bénichou-Safar, H. 1988. “Sur l’incinération des enfants aux tophets de Carthage et de Sousse.” RHR 205, 57–68.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bénichou-Safar, H. 1989. “Les stèles dit de ‘Sainte–Marie’ à Carthage.” In Devijver, H. and Lipinski, E. (eds.), Punic Wars: Proceedings of the Conference Held in Antwerp 23–26 November 1988. Leuven, 353–64.Google Scholar
Bénichou-Safar, H. 1993. “Le rite d’entrée sous le joug: Des stèles de Carthage à l’Ancien Testament.” RHR 210, 131–43.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bénichou-Safar, H. 1995. “Tophets et nécropoles puniques.” In Trousset, P. (ed.), L’Afrique du Nord antique et médiévale: Monuments funéraires, institutions autochtones. Paris, 91–102.Google Scholar
Bénichou-Safar, H. 2004. Le tophet de Salammbô à Carthage: Essai de reconstitution. Collection de l’ École française de Rome 342. Rome.Google Scholar
Bénichou-Safar, H. 2005. “Un au: Delà pour les enfants carthaginois incinérés?” Ktema 30.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bénichou-Safar, H. 2007. “Iconologie générale et iconographie carthaginoise.” AntAfr 43, 5–46.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bénichou-Safar, H. 2010a. “En Afrique, les tophets éclairés par les sanctuaires à Saturne.” In Ferjaoui, A. (ed.), Carthage et les autochtones de son empire du temps de Zama: Colloque international organisé à Siliana et Tunis du 10 au 13 mars 2004. Hommage à Mh. H. Fantar. Tunis, 471–7.Google Scholar
Bénichou-Safar, H. 2010b. “Les inscriptions puniques du sanctuaire de Sousse.” Semitica et Classica 3, 99–123.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bénichou-Safar, H. 2016. “Le tophet de Sousse: Quelques éléments de comparison.” In Chaouache, H. and Ladhari-Labayed, M (eds.), Actes du colloque Sousse à travers les ages: Sousse / 5–6–7 mars 2009. Sousse, 29–50.Google Scholar
Benkada, S. 2006. “Archéologie et entreprise coloniale: L’armée et les premiers travaux de topographie historique en Algérie (1830–1880).” In Bargaoui, S. and Remaoun, H. (eds.), Savoirs historiques au Maghreb: Construction et usages. Oran, 225–34.Google Scholar
Benseddik, N. 2006a. “Deo patrio Saturno genitori augusto sacrum: Iconographie du couple en Afrique.” AfrRom 16, 1785–8.Google Scholar
Benseddik, N. 2006b. “Lateinische Epigraphik und Ideologien: Der Fall Algerien.” AA 1, 61–71.Google Scholar
Benseddik, N. 2006c. “Saturne africain et les couples: Recherches iconographiques.” RA 2006, 208–13.Google Scholar
Benseddik, N. 2010. Esculape et Hygie en Afrique. Mémoires de l’Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres. Paris.Google Scholar
Benseddik, N. and Lochin, C. 2005. “Saturne et ses fidèles: À propos de stèles de Cuicul, Mopth … et Sitifis.” In Briand-Ponsart, C. (ed.), Identités et culture dans l’Algérie antique. Mont Saint Aignan, 261–92.Google Scholar
Benzina Ben Abdallah, Z. 1992. “Nouveaux aspects de la vie religieuse à Ammaedara, premier camp de la IIIe légion Auguste, puis colonie de Vespasien en Afrique romaine.” CRAI 1992, 11–27.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Benzina Ben Abdallah, Z. 1999. “Nouveaux documents épigraphiques d’Ammaedara.” In Baratte, F., Bejaoui, F., and Abdallah, Z. Benzina Ben (eds.), Recherches archéologiques à Haïdra. Miscellenea 2. Paris, 2–59.Google Scholar
Berger, P. and Cagnat, R. 1889. “Le sanctuaire de Saturne à Aïn-Tounga.” BAC 1889, 207–65.Google Scholar
Bernardini, P. 1993. “La Sardegna e i Fenici. Appunti sulla colonizzazione.” RStFen 21, 29–81.Google Scholar
Bernardini, P. 2005. “Recenti indagini nel santuario tofet di Sulci.” In Atti del V Congresso Internazionale di Archeologia Fenicia e Punica (Marsala-Palermo, 7–14 ottobre 2000). Palermo, 1059–69.Google Scholar
Berthier, A. 2000. Tiddis: Cité antique de Numidie. Mémoires de l’Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres; nouv. sér. 20. Paris.Google Scholar
Berthier, A. and Février, J. G. 1980. “Les stèles néopuniques de Tiddis.” BAAlg 6, 67–81.Google Scholar
Berthier, A. and Leglay, M. 1958. “Le sanctuaire du sommet et les stèles à Baal-Saturne de Tiddis.” Libyca 6, 23–58.Google Scholar
Bertrandy, F. 1985. “La communauté gréco-latine de Cirta (Constantine), capitale du royaume de Numidie, pendant le IIe siècle et la première moitié du Ier siècle avant J.–C.” Latomus 44, 488–502.Google Scholar
Bertrandy, F. 1993. “Les représentations du ‘signe de Tanit’ sur les stèles votives de Constantine.” RStFen 21, 3–28.Google Scholar
Bertrandy, F. 2000. “Motifs architecturaux sur les stéles votives à Ba’al Hammon au sanctuaire d’El Hofra à Cirta (Constantine IIIe–Ie siècles).” In Aubet, M. E. (ed.), Actas del IV Congreso Internacional de Estudios Fenicios y Púnicos: Cádiz, 2 al 6 de octubre de 1995. Cádiz, 1153–70.Google Scholar
Beschaouch, A. 1968. “Une stèle consacrée à Saturne le 8 novembre 323.” BAC 4, 253–68.Google Scholar
Beschaouch, A. 1975. “A propos de récents découvertes épigraphiques dans le pays de Carthage.” CRAI 1975, 101–18.Google Scholar
Beschaouch, A. 1980. “Saturne ou plutot une divinité africaine inconnue?” AntAfr 15, 125–34.Google Scholar
Beschaouch, A. 1990b. “Qu’est-ce qu’un ‘idurio’? Spiritualité punique et culture latine en Afrique romaine.” MÉFRA 102, 639–46.Google Scholar
Beschaouch, A. 1993–5. “De la diffusion de la constitution sufétale en Afrique proconsulaire sous le Haut-Empire.” BAC 24, 249–50.Google Scholar
Bitner, B. J. 2015. “Praefecti Fabrum in the Inscriptions of Roman Corinth.” In Bodel, J. and Dimitrova, N. (eds.), Ancient Documents and Their Contexts. Leiden, 174–89.Google Scholar
Blaizot, F., Alix, G. and Ferber, E. 2003. “Le traitement funéraire des enfants décédés avant un an dans l’Antiquité: études de cas.” Bulletins et Mémoires de la Société d’Anthropologie de Paris 15, 49–77.Google Scholar
Bloch, M. 1986. From Blessing to Violence: History and Ideology in the Circumcision Ritual of the Merina of Madagascar. Cambridge Studies in Social Anthropology. Cambridge.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bodel, J. 2017. “Death and Social Death in Ancient Rome.” In Bodel, J. and Scheidel, W. (eds.), On Human Bondage: After Slavery and Social Death. Oxford, 81–108.Google Scholar
Boersema, D. 2005. “Eco on Names and Reference.” Contemporary Pragmatism 2, 167–84.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Boetsch, G. and Ferrié, J. N. 1996. “Classification et pratique classificatoire dans l’anthropologie physique du Nord de l’Afrique.” Préhistoire Anthropologie Méditerranéennes 5, 17–34.Google Scholar
Bolmarcich, S. 2007. “Oaths in Greek International Relations.” In Sommerstein, A. and Fletcher, J. (eds.), Horkos: The Oath in Greek Society. Exeter, 26–38.Google Scholar
Bondì, S. F. 1972. Le stele di Monte Sirai. Pubblicazioni del Centro di studio per la civiltà fenicia e punica. Rome.Google Scholar
Bondì, S. F. 1979. “Per una riconsiderazione del tofet.” Egitto e Vicino Oriente 2, 139–50.Google Scholar
Bondì, S. F. 1989. “Nuovi dati sul tofet di Monte Sirai.” Quaderni della Soprintendenza Archeologica per le Province di Cagliari e Oristano 6, 23–44.Google Scholar
Bondì, S. F. 1995. “Il tofet di Monte Sirai.” In Santoni, V. (ed.), Carbonia e il Sulcis: Archeologia e territorio. Oristano, 223–38.Google Scholar
Bondì, S. F. 2004. “Il ‘tofet’ e le stele.” In Bruni, S., Caruso, T., and Massa, M. (eds.), Archaeologica pisana: Scritti per Orlanda Pancrazzi. Pisa, 22–5.Google Scholar
Bonifay, M. 2004. Etudes sur la céramique romaine tardive d’Afrique. BAR International Series. Oxford.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bonnet, C. 1988. Melqart: Cultes et mythes de l’Héraclés tyrien en Méditerranée. Studia Phoenicia. Leuven.Google Scholar
Bonnet, C. 2009. “Le visage et le nom: Réflexions sur les interfaces divines à la lumière de la documentation proche-orientale.” In Bodiou, L., Mehl, V., and Oulhen, J. (eds.), Chemin faisant: Mythes, cultes et société en Grèce ancienne. Mélanges en l’honneur de Pierre Brulé. Rennes, 205–14.Google Scholar
Bonnet, C. 2021a. “Melqart.” In Niehr, H. and Xella, P. (eds.), Encyclopaedic Dictionary of Phoenician Culture II. 1: Religion – Deities and Mythical Characters. Leuven, 151–9.Google Scholar
Bonnet, C., Bianco, M., Galoppin, T., Guillon, E., Laurent, A., Lebreton, S., and Porzia, F. 2018. “‘Les dénominations des dieux nous offrent comme autant d’images dessinées’ (Julien, Lettres 89b, 291 b). Repenser le binôme théonyme-épithète.” Studi e materiali di storia delle religioni 84, 567–91.Google Scholar
Bonnet, C. and Galoppin, T. 2021. Divine Names on the Spot: Towards a Dynamic Approach of Divine Denominations in Greek and Semitic Contexts. Leuven.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bonnet, C., Lipinski, E., and Marchetti, P. (eds.). 1986. Religio Phoenicia. Collection d’études classiques 1, 4. Namur.Google Scholar
Bonneville, J. N., Dardaine, S., and Le Roux, P. 1988. Belo V. L’épigraphie: Les inscriptions romaines de Baelo Claudia. Publications de la Casa de Velázquez. Madrid.Google Scholar
Botto, M., Kallala, N., and Ribichini, S. 2017. “Scavi e ricerche ad Althiburos (INP e ISMA-CNR).” Cartagine: Studi e Ricerche 2, 1–20.Google Scholar
Bourgeois, A. 2008. “Étude de la céramique antique recueillie à Henchir Ghayadha.” AntAfr 241–59.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Boyer, P. 1990. Tradition as Truth and Communication: A Cognitive Description of Traditional Discourse. Cambridge Studies in Social Anthropology. Cambridge.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bradley, K. 1998. “The Sentimental Education of the Roman Child: The Role of Pet-Keeping.” Latomus 57, 523–57.Google Scholar
Briand-Ponsart, C. and Hugoniot, C. 2006. L’Afrique romaine. De l’Atlantique à la Tripolitaine: 146 av. J.–C. – 533 ap. J.–C. Paris.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bridoux, V. 2014. “Numidia and the Punic World.” In Quinn, J. and Vella, N. (eds.), The Punic Mediterranean: Identities and Identification from Phoenician Settlement to Roman Rule. Cambridge, 180–201.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bridoux, V. 2020. Les royaumes d’Afrique du Nord: Émergence, consolidation et insertion dans les aires d’influences méditerranéennes (201–33 av. J.–C.). Bibliothèque des écoles françaises d’Athènes et de Rome. Rome.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Briese, C. 1998. “Die Chapelle Cintas: Das Gründungsdepot Karthagos oder eine Bestattung der Gründergeneration?” In Rolle, R., Schmid, K., and Docter, R. (eds.), Archäologische Studien in kontaktzonen der antiken Welt. Gottingen, 419–45.Google Scholar
Broughton, T. 1929. The Romanization of Africa Proconsularis. Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science. Baltimore, MD.Google Scholar
Brouquier-Reddé, V. 1992. Temples et cultes de Tripolitaine. Études d’Antiquités africaines. Paris.Google Scholar
Brouquier-Reddé, V. 1994. “De Saturne à Aulisua: Quelques remarques sur le panthéon de la Maurétanie Tingitane.” In Le Bohec, Y. (ed.), L’Afrique, la Gaule, la religion à l’époque romaine: Mélanges à la mémoire de Marcel Le Glay. Brussels, 154–64.Google Scholar
Brouquier-Reddé, V., El Khayari, A., and Ichkhakh, A. 1998. “Le temple B de Volubilis: Nouvelles recherches.” AntAfr 34, 65–72.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Brouquier-Reddé, V., El Khayari, A., and Ichkhakh, A. 2000. “Les stèles votives de Maurétanie Tingitane.” In Lancel, S. (ed.), Numismatique, langues, écritures et arts du livre, spécificité des arts figurés. Paris, 343–70.Google Scholar
Brouquier-Reddé, V., Ichkhakh, A., and El Khayari, A. 2018a. “Architecture maurétanienne et romaine: Le cas du Sanctuaire D de Volubilis.” In Baratte, F., Brouquier-Reddé, V., and Rocca, E. (eds.), Du culte aux sanctuaires: L’architecture religieuse dans l’Afrique romaine et byzantine : actes du colloque 18–19 avril 2013, Paris. Orient & méditerranée. Paris, 55–66.Google Scholar
Brouquier-Reddé, V., Ichkhakh, A., Leclercq, S. and El Khayari, A. 2018b. “Quelques aspects du rituel du sanctuaire B de Volubilis (Maurétanie occidentale).” In Baratte, F., Brouquier-Reddé, V., and Rocca, E. (eds.), Du culte aux sanctuaires: L’architecture religieuse dans l’Afrique romaine et byzantine: actes du colloque 18–19 avril 2013, Paris. Orient & méditerranée. Paris, 135–50.Google Scholar
Brown, S. 1991. Late Carthaginian Child Sacrifice and Sacrificial Monuments in Their Mediterranean Context. JSOT/ASOR Monograph Series 3. Sheffield.Google Scholar
Brubaker, R. and Cooper, F. 2000. “Beyond ‘Identity.’” Theory and Society 29, 1–47.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bruneau, P. 2000. “Les mosaïstes antiques: Avaient-ils des cahiers de modèles? (suite, problement sans fin).” Ktema 25, 191–7.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bullo, S. and Rossignoli, C. 1998. “Il santuario rurale presso Bir bou Rekba.” AfrRom 12, 249–73.Google Scholar
Cadotte, A. 2007. La romanisation des dieux: L’interpretatio romana en Afrique du Nord sous le Haut–Empire. Religions in the Graeco-Roman World. Leiden.Google Scholar
Cafaro, A. 2021. Governare l’impero: La praefectura fabrum fra legami personali e azione politica (II sec. a.C.–III sec. d.C.). Stuttgart.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Cagnat, R. 1892. L’armée romaine d’Afrique et l’occupation militaire de l’Afrique sous les empereurs. Paris.Google Scholar
Cagnat, R. and Gauckler, P. 1898. Les monuments antiques de la Tunisie I: Les temples païens. Paris.Google Scholar
Camporeale, S. 2016. “Merging Technologies in North African Ancient Architecture Opus Quadratum and Opus Africanum from the Phoenicians to the Romans.” In Mugnai, N., Nikolaus, J., and Roy, N. (eds.), De Africa Romaque: Merging Cultures across North Africa. London, 57–72.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Camps, G. 1961. Monuments et rites funéraires protohistoriques: Aux origines de la Berberie. Paris.Google Scholar
Carcopino, J. 1907. “Une mission archéologique à Aïn-Tounga (Tunisie).” MEFRA 27: 23–64.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Carcopino, J. 1932. “Survivances par substitution des sacrifices d’enfants dans l’Afrique romaine.” RHR 106, 592–9.Google Scholar
Carroll, M. 2018. Infancy and Earliest Childhood in the Roman World: “A Fragment of Time”. Oxford.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Cartledge, T. W. 1989. “Were Nazirite Vows Unconditional?” Catholic Biblical Quarterly 51, 409–22.Google Scholar
Carton, L. 1897b. “Un édifice de Dougga en forme de temple phénicien.” MAntFr 1897, 52–60.Google Scholar
Carton, L. 1903. “Rapport sur les fouilles exécutées à El Kenissia, près de Sousse.” CRAI 47, 283–7.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Carton, L. 1907a. “Note sur la découverte d’un sanctuaire de Saturne dans la ‘Colonia Thuburnica’.” CRAI 1907, 380–4.Google Scholar
Carton, L. 1907b. “Notice sur les ruines d’El Kénissia.” Bulletin de la Société Archéologique de Sousse 9, 68–93.Google Scholar
Carton, L. 1908b. “Note sur des fouilles exécutées à Thuburnica et à Chemtou.” BAC 1908, 410–44.Google Scholar
Carton, L. 1913. “L’art indigène sur les lampes du Colonia Thuburnica.” MAntFr 1913, 141–69.Google Scholar
Carton, L. 1915. “Les lampes d’art indigène de Thuburnic et Simittu.” Revue Tunisienne 109, 97–109.Google Scholar
Carton, L. and Denis, C. 1893. “Notice sur les fouilles exécutées à Dougga (Tunisie): Aqueducs, citernes et théâtre.” Bulletin de la Société de géographie d’Oran 1893, 22–42.Google Scholar
Caruso, E. 2000. “Documenti e problemi di topografia storica nelle città fenicio–puniche della Sicilia occidentale: La necropoli ed il tofet di Lilibeo (Marsala).” In Caruso, E. (ed.), Terze giornate internazionali di studi sull’area elima. Pisa, 217–62.Google Scholar
Caubet, A., Fontan, E., and Gubel, E. 2002. Art phénicien: La sculpture de tradition phénicienne. Paris.Google Scholar
Cecchini, S. M. 1991. “La statua dell’acropoli di Monte Sirai.” In Atti del II Congresso internazionale di studi fenici e punici: Roma, 9–14 novembre 1987, 683–90.Google Scholar
Cerulo, K. A. 1997. “Identity Construction: New Issues, New Directions.” Annual Review of Sociology 23, 385–409.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Chabot, J. B. 1916a. “Les inscriptions puniques de la collection Marchant.” CRAI 1916, 17–34.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Chaniotis, A. 2009. “Acclamations as a Form of Religious Communication.” In Cancik, H. and Rüpke, J. (eds.), Die Religion des Imperium Romanum: Koine und Konfrontationen. Tubingen, 199–218.Google Scholar
Chaouali, M. 2017. “Pre-Islamic Archaelogy in Tunisia: The Stakes of a Colonial Science.” MAAR 62, 193–208.Google Scholar
Chaouali, M. 2017. “Le culte de Neptune et des Nymphes dans la ciuitas Thabborensis (pertica Carthaginiensium).” Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz 28, 95–106.Google Scholar
Charles-Picard, G. 1948. “Les sacerdotes de Saturne et les sacrifices humains dans l’Afrique romaine.” RecConst 66, 117–23.Google Scholar
Charles-Picard, G. 1953. “Rapport sur l’activité du Service des Antiquités de la Tunisie dans le second semestre, 1946.” BAC 1946–9, 215–30.Google Scholar
Charles-Picard, G. 1954. Les religions de l’Afrique antique. Civilisations d’hier et d’aujourd’hui. Paris.Google Scholar
Charles-Picard, G. 1961. “Le Septizonium de Cincari et le problème des Septizonia.” MonPiot 52, 77–93.Google Scholar
Charles-Picard, G. 1962. “Influences étrangères et originalité dans l’art de l’Afrique romaine sous les Antonins et les Sevères.” AntK 5, 30–41.Google Scholar
Charles-Picard, G. 1968. “La révolution democratique de Carthage.” In Cambier, G. (ed.), Conférences de Ia Société d’Études Latines de Bruxelles 1965–1966. Brussels, 113–30.Google Scholar
Charles-Picard, G. 1990. “Ba’al Hammon et Saturne dans l’Afrique romaine.” Semitica 39, 89–97.Google Scholar
Chelbi, F. 2008. “Céramique à vernis noir de Henchir Ghayadha: Remarques sur les productions africaines à vernis noir.” AntAfr 44, 229–40.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Christol, M. and Aibèche, Y. 2007. “Mopti municipium: Le municipe de Mopt(h)i, entre Sétif et Cuicul.” AntAfr 43, 47–67.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Christou, D. 1998. “Cremations in the Western Necropolis of Amathus.” In Karageorghis, V. and Stampolidis, N. (eds.), Eastern Mediterranean: Cyprus – Dodecanese – Crete 16th–6th cent. B.C. Athens, 207–15.Google Scholar
Ciasca, A., Di Salvo, R., Castellino, M., and Di Patti, C. 1996. “Saggio preliminare sugli incinerati del tofet di Mozia.” Vicino Oriente 10, 317–46.Google Scholar
Cintas, P. 1948b. “Une sanctuaire pré-carthaginois sur la grève de Salammbô.” Revue Tunisienne 1, 1–31.Google Scholar
Cintas, P. 1968–9. “Le signe ‘de Tanit’: Interprétations d’un symbole.” Archéologie vivant 1, 4–10.Google Scholar
Cintas, P. 1970. Manuel d’archéologie punique. Collection des manuels d’archéologie et d’histoire de l’art. Paris.Google Scholar
Clarke, J. R. 2010. “Model-Book, Outline-Book, Figure-Book: New Observations on the Creation of Near-Exact Copies in Romano–Campanian Painting.” In Bragantini, I. (ed.), Atti del X Congresso internazionale: Association internationale pour la peinture murale antique. Naples, 203–14.Google Scholar
Coarelli, F. and Thébert, Y. 1988. “Architecture funéraire et pouvoir: Réflexions sur l’hellénisme numide.” MEFRA 100, 761–818.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Coltelloni-Trannoy, M. 2005. “L’usage du grec dans l’Afrique antique.” In Briand-Ponsart, C. (ed.), Identités et culture dans l’Algérie antique. Mont Saint Aignan, 69–117.Google Scholar
Coltelloni-Trannoy, M. 2011. “Les communautés grecques dans les cités africaines: Les cas de Carthage, Cirta, Thuburnica.” RÉG 124, 549–71.Google Scholar
Comaroff, J. and Comaroff, J. L. 1991. Of Revelation and Revolution. Chicago, IL.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Comaroff, J. and Comaroff, J. L. 1999. “Occult Economies and the Violence of Abstraction: Notes from the South African Postcolony.” American Ethnologist 26, 279–303.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Conheeney, J. and Pipe, A. 1991. “Note on Some Cremated Bone from Tyrian Cinerary Urns.” Berytus 39, 83–7.Google Scholar
Connolly, S. 2007. “Oμνύω αὐτὸν τὸν Σεβαστόν [‘I swear by Augustus himself’]. The Greek Oath in the Roman World.” In Sommerstein, A. and Fletcher, J. (eds.), Horkos: The Oath in Greek Society. Exeter, 203–16.Google Scholar
Cordischi, L. 1990. “La dea caelestis ed il suo culto attraverso le iscrizioni: 1. Le iscrizioni latine di Roma e dell’Italia.” ArchCl 42, 161–200.Google Scholar
Correia, A. 2020. “Manual Cone Harvesting of Pinus Pinea in Portugal: Equipment Used and Recommendations.” https://oppla.eu/casestudy/20602.Google Scholar
Crossland, Z. 2013. “Signs of Mission: Material Semeiosis and Nineteenth-Century Tswana Architecture.” Signs and Society 1, 79–113.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Crossland, Z. 2014. Ancestral Encounters in Highland Madagascar: Material Signs and Traces of the Dead. New York.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
D’Ambra, E. 2016. “The Importance of Being Venus.” In Heyn, M. and Steinsapir, A. (eds.), Icon, Cult and Context: Sacred Places and Objects in the Classical World. Los Angeles, 65–78.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
D’Andrea, B. 2012. “Il tofet di El Kénissia e il rapporto tra tofet tardo punici, santuari a Saturno e ‘paesaggi del potere’.” AfrRom 19, 2479–96.Google Scholar
D’Andrea, B. 2014. I tofet del Nord Africa dall’età arcaica all’età romana, VIII sec. A.C.–II sec. D.C.: Studi archeologici. Collezione di Studi Fenici. Pisa.Google Scholar
D’Andrea, B. 2016–17. “I tofet e i santuari di Saturno nell’Africa di età romana: Localizzazione, rapporto spaziale e caratteristiche tipologiche e cultuali.” Karthago 30, 37–63.Google Scholar
D’Andrea, B. 2018a. Bambini nel “limbo”: Dati e proposte interpretive sui tofet fenici e punici. Rome.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
D’Andrea, B. 2018b. “Il culto di Baal Hammon e Tinnit in Algeria: La documentazione archeologica ed epigrafica.” Folio Phoenicia 2, 319–28.Google Scholar
D’Andrea, B. 2023. “Les dieux des tophets: Baal Hammon, Tinnit et les autres. Formules onomastiques et images.” In Porzia, F. and Bonnet, C. (eds.), Divine Names on the Spot II: Exploring the Potentials of Names through Images and Narratives. Leuven, 47–80.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
D’Andrea, B. and Giardino, S. 2011. “Il tofet dove e perché: Alle origini dell’identità fenicia.” Vicino & Medio Oriente 15, 133–57.Google Scholar
D’Andrea, B. and Giardino, S. 2013. “Il tofet dove e perché: L’identità fenicia, il Circolo di Cartagine e la fase Tardo Punica.” Bollettino di Archeologia Online 4, 1–29.Google Scholar
Dardenay, A. 2010. Les mythes fondateurs de Rome: Images et politique dans l’Occident romain. Paris.Google Scholar
Dasen, V. 2014. “Iconographie et archéologie des rites de passage de la petite enfance dans le monde romain: Questions méthodologiques.” In Mouton, A. and Patrier, J. (eds.), Life, Death, and Coming of Age in Antiquity: Individual Rites of Passage in the Ancient Near East. Leiden, 231–52.Google Scholar
Davis, D. K. 2007. Resurrecting the Granary of Rome: Environmental History and French Colonial Expansion in North Africa. Ohio University Press Series in Ecology and History. Athens, OH.Google Scholar
Davis, N. 1861. Carthage and Her Remains: Being an Account of the Excavations and Researchers on the Site of the Phoenician Metropolis in Africa, and Other Adjacent Places. New York.Google Scholar
De Grossi Mazzorin, J., Eccher, S., Marconi, S., Paterlini, A., Tecchiati, U., and Zanetti, A. L. 2019. “Resti faunici.” In de Vos, M. and Maurina, B. (eds.), Rus Africum IV: La fattoria Bizantina di Aïn Wassel, Africa Proconsularis. Alto Tell, Tunisia. 363–92.Google Scholar
de la Blanchère, M.-R. 1888. “Fouilles d’Aïn-Tounga (Thignica): Le sanctuaire de Saturne.” CRAI 1888, 489–94.Google Scholar
de Lacomble, L. and Hannezo, G. 1889. “Fouilles exécutées dans la nécropole romaine d’Hadrumète.” BAC 1889, 110–31.Google Scholar
de Larminat, S. 2016. “Le traitement funéraire des tout-petits en Afrique romaine.” In Portat, E., Detante, M., Buquet–Marcon, C., and Guillon, M. (eds.), Rencontre autour de la mort des tout–petits. Condé-sur-Noireau, 79–89.Google Scholar
de Larminat, S. 2019. “Sacred and Funeral Terracotta Figurines in Africa Proconsularis, Numidia and Mauretania Caesariensis between the First and Third Centuries CE.” In Papantoniou Demetrios, M. G. and Dikomitou–Eliadou, M. (eds.), Hellenistic and Roman Terracottas. Leiden, 329–41.Google Scholar
de Larminat, S. 2020. “Les figurines en terre cuite dans les nécropoles d’Afrique romaine.” In Huysecom-Haxhi, S. and Muller, A. (eds.), Figurines grecques en contexte. Villeneuve d’Ascq, 289–303.Google Scholar
De Vos, M. and Attoui, R. 2015. “Quarries in Rural Landscapes of North Africa.” In Pensabene, P. and Gasparini, E. (eds.), Interdisciplinary Studies on Ancient Stone. Rome, 689–98.Google Scholar
De Vos, M., Attoui, R., and Andreoli, M. 2013. Rus Africum. Bibliotheca archaeologica. Bari.Google Scholar
De Vos, M., Attoui, R., and Battisti, A. 2015. Rus Africum. Tome III: La via a Karthagine Thevestem, ses milliares et le réseau routier rural de la région de Dougga et Téboursouk. Bari.Google Scholar
Delamare, A. H. A. 1850. Exploration scientifique de l’Algérie pendant les années 1840, 1841, 1842, 1843, 1844 et 1845. Paris.Google Scholar
Delattre, A. J. 1885. “Marques de potier relevées à Carthage.” Bulletin de l’Académie d’Hippone 21, 42–52.Google Scholar
Dench, E. 2018. Empire and Political Cultures in the Roman World. Key Themes in Ancient History. Cambridge.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Deneauve, J. 1979. “Les structures romaines de Byrsa: Historique des recherches.” In Lancel, S. (ed.), Byrsa: Rapports préliminaires des fouilles (1974–1976). Rome, 41–55.Google Scholar
Deonna, W. 1955. “Cimetières de bébés.” Revue Archéologique de l’Est et du Centre-Est 1955, 231–47.Google Scholar
Depreux, R., Muller, M., Fontaine, M. and Muller, P. 1952. “Recherches anthropologiques sur les ossements retrouvés dans des urnes puniques.” Bulletins et Mémoires de la Société d’Anthropologie de Paris 3, 160–73.Google Scholar
Derks, T. 1995. “The Ritual of the Vow in Gallo-Roman Religion.” In Metzler, J., Millett, M., Roymans, N., and Slofstra, J. (eds.), Integration in the Early Roman West: The Role of Culture and Ideology. Luxembourg, 111–27.Google Scholar
Déroche, L. 1948. “Les fouilles de Ksar Toual Zammel et la question de Zama (Vicus Maracitanus).” MEFRA 60, 55–104.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Desanges, J. 2006. “Témoignages antiques sur le fléau acridien.” In Desanges, J. (ed.), L’homme face aux calamités naturelles dans l’Antiquité et au Moyen Âge: Actes du 16ème colloque de la Villa Kérylos. Paris, 221–35.Google Scholar
Desanges, J. 2007. “Aspects de l’hellénisme dans l’Afrique du Nord antique.” In Laronde, A. and Leclat, J. (eds.), Actes du 17ème colloque de la Villa Kérylos à Beaulieu-sur-Mer les 20 & 21 octobre 2006. Paris, 167–84.Google Scholar
Detienne, M. 1989. “Introduction.” In Detienne, M. and Vernant, J. P. (eds.), The Cuisine of Sacrifice among the Greeks. Chicago, IL, 1–21.Google Scholar
Diosono, F. 2020. “Lamps as Ritual and ‘Magical’ Objects in Archaeological Contexts.” In Mastrocinque, A., Sanzo, J. E., and Scapini, M. (eds.), Ancient Magic: Then and Now. Stuttgart, 139–57.Google Scholar
Doak, B. R. 2015. Phoenician Aniconism in Its Mediterranean and Ancient Near Eastern Contexts. Archaeology and Biblical Studies. Atlanta, GA.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Dobbins, J. J. 1992. “The Altar in the Genius Augustus Sanctuary at Pompeii.” RM 99, 251–63.Google Scholar
Docter, R. F., Maraoui Telmini, B., van der Plicht, J., Mansel, K., Chelbi, F., Nijboer, A. J., and van Neer, W. 2008. “New Radiocarbon Dates from Carthage: Bridging the Gap between History and Archaeology?” In Sagona, C. (ed.), Beyond the Homeland: Markers in Phoenician Chronology. Leuven, 379–422.Google Scholar
Docter, R. F., Niemeyer, H. G., Nijboer, A. J., and van der Plicht, J. 2004. “Radiocarbon Dates of Animal Bones in the Earliest Levels of Carthage.” Mediterranea 1, 557–78.Google Scholar
Docter, R. F., Smits, E., Hakbijl, T., Stuijts, I. L. M., and Van der Plicht, J. 2003. “Interdisciplinary Research on Urns from the Carthaginian Tophet and Their Contents.” Palaeohistoria 43/44, 417–34.Google Scholar
Domergue, L. 1892. “Seriana: Rapport fait à la société archéologique.” RecConst 27, 114–78.Google Scholar
Dondin-Payre, M. 1994. Le capitaine Delamare: La réussite de l’archéologie romaine au sein de la Commission d’exploration scientifique d’Algérie. Mémoires de l’Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres. Paris.Google Scholar
Drici, S. 2006. “Migrations et mouvements des personnes en Afrique du Nord: Étude onomastique des colonies de Sitifis et Thamugadi.” AfrRom 16, 527–38.Google Scholar
Dridi, H. and Sebaï, M. 2008. “De Tanesmat à Thinissut: Nouvelles observations sur l’aménagement d’un lieu culte africain.” In Lieux de cultes: Aires votives, temples, églises, mosquées. IXe Colloque international sur l’histoire et l’archéologie de l’Afrique du Nord, Tripoli, 19–25 février 2005. Paris, 101–18.Google Scholar
Drine, A., Ben Tahar, S., Kaufman, B., and Cerezo-Roman, J. 2021. “Recherches tuniso-américaines sur le sanctuaire néopunique dit Tophet de Zitha (2013–2015).” Paper read at Les tophets de l’Afrique du nord, Tunis, December 2022.Google Scholar
Drine, A. and Ferjaoui, A. 1995. “Présentation des stèles votives découvertes à Zian (Tunisie).” In Fantar, M. and Ghaki, M. (eds.), Actés du IIIe congrès international des études phéniciennes et puniques (Tunis, 11–16 novembre 1991). Tunis, 396–400.Google Scholar
Drissi, H. 2022. “Un aspect de l’anticomanie dans la régence de Tunis: La collection du consul anglais Sir Thomas Reade (1824–1849).” Hespéris-Tamuda 57, 309–27.Google Scholar
Dufresne, I. 2004. “Le symbole de Tanit. Étude d’iconographie phénico–punique: Bilan et perspectives.” Unpublished M.A. thesis. Université de Montreal.Google Scholar
Dunand, M. and Saliby, N. 1985. Le temple d’Amrith dans la pérée d’Aradus. Bibliothèque archéologique et historique 121. Paris.Google Scholar
Dunbabin, K. M. 1990. “Ipsa deae vestigia … : Footprints Divine and Human on Graeco-Roman Monuments.” JRA 3, 85–109.Google Scholar
Duncan-Jones, R. 1962. “Costs, Outlays and Summae Honorariae from Roman Africa.” PBSR 30, 47–115.Google Scholar
Duncan-Jones, R. 1982. The Economy of the Roman Empire: Quantitative Studies. Cambridge.Google Scholar
Duval, N. 1982. “Topographie et urbanisme d’Ammaedara (actuellement Haïdra, Tunisie).” ANRW 10, 633–72.Google Scholar
Duval, N., Lancel, S., and Le Bohec, Y. 1979. “Études sur la garnison de Carthage.” BAC 15–16, 33–89.Google Scholar
Eck, W. 2015. “Das kaiserliche Heereskommando und die Rolle des Heeres in der Administration des Reiches.” In Ferrary, J. L. and Scheid, J. (eds.), Il princeps romano: Autocrate o magistrato? Fattori giuridici e fattori sociali del potere imperiale da Augusto a Commodo. Pavia, 659–78.Google Scholar
Effros, B. 2018. Incidental Archaeologists: French Officers and the Rediscovery of Roman North Africa. Ithaca, NY.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Eingartner, J. 1998. “Bemerkungen zur Funktion römischer Tempel am Beispiel des Isisheiligtums in Sabratha und des sogenannten Serapeion in Ephesos.” AfrRom 13, 1211–32.Google Scholar
Eingartner, J. 2003. “Überlegungen zum religiösen Hintergrund nordafrikanischer Reliefstelen des Saturn und der Dea Caelestis.” In Noelke, P., Naumann-Steckner, F., and Schneider, B. (eds.), Romanisation und Resistenz in Plastik, Architektur und Inschriften der Provinzen des Imperium Romanum: Akten des VII. Internationalen Colloquiums über Probleme des Provinzialrömischen Kunstschaffens, Köln, 2. bis 6. Mai 2001; neue Funde und Forschungen. Mainz, 601–8.Google Scholar
Eingartner, J. 2005. Templa cum Porticibus: Ausstattung und Funktion italischer Tempelbezirke in Nordafrika und ihre Bedeutung für die römische Stadt der Kaiserzeit. Rahden.Google Scholar
Ekroth, G. 2014. “Castration, Cult and Agriculture: Perspectives on Greek Animal Sacrifice.” OpAthRom 7, 153–74.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
El Khayari, A., Brouquier–Reddé, V., Ichkhakh, A., and Poupon, F. 2015. “Les offrandes du sanctuaire B à Volubilis.” In Akerraz, A., Ettahiri, A., and Alaoui, M. K. (eds.), Hommage à Joudia Hassar-Benslimane. Rabat, 171–85.Google Scholar
Elsner, J. 1991. “Cult and Sculpture: Sacrifice in the Ara Pacis Augusta.” JRS 81, 50–61.Google Scholar
Elsner, J. 2001. “Describing Self in the Language of Other: Pseudo (?) Lucian at the Temple of Hierapolis.” In Goldhill, S. (ed.), Being Greek under Rome: Cultural Identity, the Second Sophistic and the Development of Empire. Cambridge, 123–53.Google Scholar
Elsner, J. 2020. “Mutable, Flexible, Fluid: Papyrus Drawings for Textiles and Replication in Roman Art.” ArtB 102, 7–27.Google Scholar
Euzennat, M. and Hallier, G. 1986. “Les forums de Tingitane: Observations sur l’influence de l’architecture militaire sur les constructions civiles de l’Occident romain.” AntAfr 22, 73–103.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ewald, B. C. 1999. Der Philosoph als Leitbild: Ikonographische Untersuchungen an römischen Sarkophagreliefs. Mainz.Google Scholar
Falsone, G. 1978. “Il simbolo di Tanit a Mozia e nella Sicilia punica.” RStFen 5–6, 137–51.Google Scholar
Fantar, M. 1974. Téboursouk: Stèles anépigraphes et stèles à inscriptions néopuniques. Paris.Google Scholar
Fantar, M. 1986. Kerkouane, cité punique du Cap Bon (Tunisie) III: Sanctuaires et cultes/société/économie. Tunis.Google Scholar
Fantar, M. 1998. “À propos de la présence des Grecs à Carthage.” AntAfr 34, 11–19.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Fantar, M. and Ghaki, M. (eds.). 1995. Actes du IIIe congrès international des études phéniciennes et puniques: Tunis, 11–16 novembre 1991. Tunis.Google Scholar
Fantar, M., Sznycer, M., Bron, F., Charles-Picard, C., and Fauveaud, C. 2015. Stèles à inscriptions néopuniques de Maktar. Mémoires de l’Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres. Paris.Google Scholar
Fantar, M. and Zucca, R. 2019. “Tituli areae et templi Saturni Sobarensis (Africa Proconsularis).” Epigraphica 81, 239–84.Google Scholar
Fawtier, R. 1949. “Rapport sur les travaux de l’École française de Rome pendant l’année 1947–1948: Lu dans la séance du 29 juillet 1949.” CRAI 227–36.Google Scholar
Fentress, E. 1979. Numidia and the Roman Army: Social, Military and Economic Aspects of the Frontier Zone. BAR International Series. Oxford.Google Scholar
Fentress, E. 2015. “Diana Veteranorum and the Dynamics of an Inland Economy.” In Lavan, L. (ed.), Local Economies? Production and Exchange of Inland Regions in Late Antiquity. Leiden, 315–42.Google Scholar
Ferchiou, N. 1976. “Une carrière régionale en Afrique: La pierre de Keddel.” RM 83, 367–402.Google Scholar
Ferchiou, N. 1983. “Un atelier itinérant de marbriers le long des côtes de Proconsulaire.” AntAfr 19, 75–84.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ferchiou, N. 2010. “Nouvelles données sur la cité d’Aïn Rchine (Tunisie): Monuments, dédicace à Pluton par des sufètes, bas-relief.” AntAfr 46–48, 147–61.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ferchiou, N. and Gabillon, A. 1983. “Une inscription grecque magique de la région de Bou Arada (Tunisie), ou les quatre plaies de l’agriculture antique en Proconsulaire.” BAC 19, 109–25.Google Scholar
Ferjaoui, A. 1991a. “À propos des inscriptions mentionnant les sufètes et les rabs dans la généalogie des dédicants à Carthage.” In Atti del II Congresso Internazionale di Studi Fenici e Punici. Rome, 479–83.Google Scholar
Ferjaoui, A. 1991b. “Fonctions et métiers de la Carthage punique à travers les inscriptions.” REPPAL 6, 71–86.Google Scholar
Ferjaoui, A. 1992–3. “Stèles votives et funéraires trouvées à Kesra.” REPPAL 7–8, 127–55.Google Scholar
Ferjaoui, A. 2001. “Recherches archéologiques et toponymiques sur le site de Jama et dans ses alentours.” CRAI 2001, 837–64.Google Scholar
Ferjaoui, A. 2002. “De Ba’al Hammon à Saturne: Présentation d’une sanctuaire à Henchir-el-Hami.” In Giacomini, P. Donati and Uberti, M. L. (eds.), Fra Cartagine e Roma. Faenza, 59–77.Google Scholar
Ferjaoui, A. (ed.). 2010. Carthage et les autochtones de son empire du temps de Zama: Colloque international organisé à Siliana et Tunis du 10 au 13 mars 2004. Hommage à Mh. H. Fantar. Tunis.Google Scholar
Ferjaoui, A. and M’Charek, A. 1990. “Le sanctuaire de Ba’al–Hammon–Saturne à Henchir Ghayadha: Les inscriptions.” REPPAL 5, 117–48.Google Scholar
Fernández-Götz, M., Maschek, D., and Roymans, N. 2020. “The Dark Side of the Empire: Roman Expansionism between Object Agency and Predatory Regime.” Antiquity 94, 1630–9.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ferron, J. 1963. “La Byzacène à l’époque punique: État actuel des connaissances.” Cahiers de la Tunisie 11, 31–46.Google Scholar
Ferron, J. 1975. Mort-dieu de Carthage, ou les stèles funéraires de Carthage. Collection Cahiers de Byrsa. Paris.Google Scholar
Ferron, J. and Saumagne, C. 1968. “Adon–Baal, Esculape, Cybèle à Carthage.” Africa 2, 75–138.Google Scholar
Février, J. G. 1955. “Un sacrifice d’enfant chez les Numides.” Annuaire de l’Institut de Philologie et d’Histoire Orientales et Slaves 13, 161–71.Google Scholar
Février, J. G. 1966. “Inscriptions puniques et néopuniques.”In Inscriptions antiques du Maroc, I. Inscriptions puniques et néopuniques: Inscriptions hébraïques des sites antiques. Paris, 81–132.Google Scholar
Février, P. A. 1967. “Aux origines de l’occupation romaine dans les hautes plaines de Sétif.” Les cahiers de Tunisie 15, 51–64.Google Scholar
Février, P. A. and Berthier, A. 1975. “Les stèles néopuniques de Tiddis.” BAAlg 6, 67–81.Google Scholar
Fishwick, D. 1987. The Imperial Cult in the Latin West: Studies in the Ruler Cult of the Western Provinces of the Roman Empire. Leiden.Google Scholar
Fishwick, D. 1991. The Imperial Cult in the Latin West II: Studies in the Ruler Cult of the Western Provinces of the Roman Empire. Part 2.1. Leiden.Google Scholar
Foucher, L. 1964. Hadrumetum. Publications de l’Université de Tunis. Faculté des lettres et sciences humaines de Tunis. Premiére série, Archéologie-histoire. Paris.Google Scholar
Freed, J. 2011. Bringing Carthage Home: The Excavations of Nathan Davis, 1856–1859. University of British Columbia Studies in the Ancient World. Oxford.Google Scholar
Frend, W. H. C. 1971. The Donatist Church: A Movement of Protest in Roman North Africa. Oxford.Google Scholar
Fulton, D., Hesse, P., and Burns, P. 2023. “Animals as Offerings: Faunal Remains from the Carthage Tophet.” Journal of Ancient History 11, 210–27.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Fumadó Ortega, I. 2019. “La place des eaux dans les sanctuaires phénico–puniques. Bilan archéologique.” In Robinson, B. A., Bouffier, S., and Fumadó Ortega, I. (eds.), Ancient Waterlands. Aix-en-Provence, 195–211.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Galand, L. 2005. “Le libyque en Algérie.” In Briand-Ponsart, C. (ed.), Identités et culture dans l’Algérie antique. Mont-Saint-Aignan, 59–68.Google Scholar
Gamauf, R. 2016. “Slavery: Social Position and Legal Capacity.” In du Plessis, P. J., Ando, C., and Tuori, K. (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Law and Society. Oxford, 386–401.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Garbati, G. 2012–13. “Baal Hammon and Tinnit in Carthage: The Tophet between the Origin and the Expansion of the Colonial World.” SEL 29–30, 49–64.Google Scholar
Garbati, G. 2013. “Tradizione, memoria e rinnovamento: Tinnit nel tophet di Cartagine.” In Loretz, O., Ribichini, S., Watson, W., and Zamora Lopez, J. A. (eds.), Ritual, Religion, and Reason: Studies in the Ancient World in Honour of Paolo Xella. Munster, 529–42.Google Scholar
Gardner, A. 2013. “Thinking about Roman Imperialism: Postcolonialism, Globalisation and Beyond?” Britannia 44, 1–25.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Garnand, B. 2001. “From Infant Sacrifice to the ABC’s: Ancient Phoenicians and Modern Identities.” Stanford Journal of Archaeology 1, 4–14.Google Scholar
Garnand, B., Greene, J., and Xella, P. 2023. “Introduction to the Special Issue.” Journal of Ancient History 11, 149–89.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Garrow, D. and Gosden, C. 2012. Technologies of Enchantment? Exploring Celtic Art, 400 BC to AD 100. Oxford.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gascou, J. 1972. La politique municipale de l’empire romain en Afrique proconsulaire de Trajan à Septime-Sévère. Rome.Google Scholar
Gaspar, V. 2012. Sacerdotes Piae: Priestesses and Other Female Cult Officials in the Western Part of the Roman Empire from the First Century B.C. until the Third Century A.D. Unpublished PhD thesis. University of Amsterdam.Google Scholar
Gasparini, V., Patzelt, M., Raja, R., Rieger, A., Rüpke, J., and Urciuoli, E. (eds.). 2020. Lived Religion in the Ancient Mediterranean World: Approaching Religious Transformations from Archaeology, History and Classics. Berlin.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gauckler, P. 1905. “Séance de la commission de l’Afrique du nord.” BAC 1905, CLXXIX–CLXXXII.Google Scholar
Gauckler, P. 1907a. “Le temple de Saturne et le nécropole romaine de Djebel Djelloud près de Tunis.” NouvArch 15, 477–535.Google Scholar
Gavini, A. 2021. “Marcel Le Glay et la religion romaine dans l’Afrique ancienne.” Revista de historiografía 36, 289–307.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
George, M. 2006. “Family Imagery and Family Values in Roman Italy.” In George, M. (ed.), The Roman Family in the Empire: Rome, Italy, and Beyond. Oxford, 37–66.Google Scholar
Gesenius, W. 1837. Scripturae linguaeque Phoeniciae monumenta quotquot supersunt. Leipzig.Google Scholar
Ghaddhab, R. 2020. “Centuriation et statut juridique des environs d’Hadrumetum entre la fin de la troisième guerre punique et le règne de Trajan.” AntAfr 56, 79–100.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ghaki, M. 1993. “L’organisation politique et administrative chez les Numides.” In Drouin, J. and Roth, A. (eds.), A la croisée des études libyco–berbères, Mélanges offerts à P. Galand–Pernet et L. Galand. Paris, 89–101.Google Scholar
Ghaki, M. 1997. “Epigraphie libyque et punique a Dougga.” In Khanoussi, M. and Maurin, L. (eds.), Dougga (Thugga): Études épigraphiques. Bordeaux, 27–46.Google Scholar
Glinister, F. 2008. “Veiled and Unveiled: Uncovering Roman Influence in Hellenistic Italy.” In Gleba, M. and Becker, H. (eds.), Votives, Places and Rituals in Etruscan Religion. Leiden, 193–215.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Goetschy, G. 1903. “Nouvelles fouilles dans les nécropoles de Sousse.” BAC 1903, 156–83.Google Scholar
Goldman-Petri, M. 2020. “The Altar of P. Perelius Hedulus in Carthage and the Social Aspects of Provincial Image-Making.” In Russell, A. and Hellström, M. (eds.), The Social Dynamics of Roman Imperial Imagery. Cambridge, 180–214.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
González, M. G. and Mazagatos, A. V. 2018. “Saturno Africano: Cuestiones sobre imagen y culto.” In Garcés, F. Salcedo, Lázaro, E. Benito, and España-Chamorro, S. (eds.), Estudios sobre el África romana. Oxford, 283–97.Google Scholar
González Ruibal, A. 2013. Reclaiming Archaeology: Beyond the Tropes of Modernity. London.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
González Ruibal, A. 2014. An Archaeology of Resistance: Materiality and Time in an African Borderland. Lanham, MD.Google Scholar
González Wagner, C. and Ruiz Cabrero, L. A. (eds.). 2002. Molk als Opferbegriff im Punischen und Hebräischen, und das Ende des Gottes Moloch = Molk como concepto del sacrificio punico y hebreo, y el final del dios Moloch. Madrid.Google Scholar
Gordon, R. 1979. “The Real and the Imaginary: Production and Religion in the Graeco-Roman World.” Art History 2, 5–34.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gordon, R. 1990a. “Religion in the Roman Empire: The Civic Compromise and Its Limits.” In Beard, M. and North, J. (eds.), Pagan Priests: Religion and Power in the Ancient World. London, 235–55.Google Scholar
Gordon, R. 1990b. “The Veil of Power: Emperors, Sacrificers and Benefactors.” In Beard, M. and North, J. (eds.), Pagan Priests: Religion and Power in the Ancient World. London, 199–232.Google Scholar
Gridel, H. 1927. “Notes sur un temple à Sidi-el-Hani.” Bulletin de la Société Archéologique de Sousse 17, 74–80.Google Scholar
Gros, P. 1996. L’architecture romaine: Du début du IIIe siècle av. J.–C. à la fin du Haut-Empire. Manuels d’art et d’archéologie antiques. Paris.Google Scholar
Groslambert, A. 2009 (ed.). Urbanisme et urbanisation en Numidie militaire: Actes du colloque des 7 et 8 mars 2008. Paris.Google Scholar
Groslambert, A. 2011. Lambèse sous le Haut-Empire: 1er–IIIe siècles. Du camp à la cité. Paris.Google Scholar
Gsell, S. 1894b. “Tipasa, ville de la Maurétania Césarienne.” MEFRA 14, 291–450.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Guirguis, M. 2013. “Dinamiche sociali e cultura materiale a Sulky e a Monte Sirai.” In van Dommelen, P. and Roppa, A. (eds.), Materiali e contesti nell’Età del Ferro sarda. Rome, 111–20.Google Scholar
Gutron, C. 2010. L’archéologie en Tunisie (XIXe–XXe siècles): Jeux généalogiques sur l’Antiquité. Hommes et sociétés. Paris and Tunis.Google Scholar
Hahl, L. and Clairmont-von Gonzenbach, V. 1960. “Zur Erklärung der niedergermanischen Matronendenkmaler.” BJb 160, 9–49.Google Scholar
Hall, S. 1988. “The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism among the Theorists.” In Nelson, C. and Grossberg, L. (eds.), Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture. Chicago, IL, 35–57.Google Scholar
Hamaker, H. A. 1828. Miscellanea phoenicia sive commentarii de rebus phoenicum. Leiden.Google Scholar
Harden, D. B. 1937. “The Pottery from the Precinct of Tanit at Salammbo, Carthage 1.” Iraq 4, 59–89.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Harlow, M. and Laurence, R. 2014. A Cultural History of Childhood and Family in Antiquity. London.Google Scholar
Harrison, E. B. 1953. Portrait Sculpture. The Athenian Agora. Results of Excavations Conducted by the American School of Classical Studies at Athens. Princeton, NJ.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hasenohr, C. 2007. “Les italiens à Délos: Entre romanité et hellénisme.” Pallas 73, 221–32.Google Scholar
Hellström, M. 2020. “Local Aspirations and Statues of Emperors in Roman North Africa.” In Russell, A. and Hellström, M. (eds.), The Social Dynamics of Roman Imperial Imagery. Cambridge, 159–79.Google Scholar
Hemelrijk, E. 2004. “Imperial Priestesses: A Preliminary Survey.” In De Blois, L., Funke, P., and Hahn, J. (eds.), The Impact of Imperial Rome on Religions, Ritual and Religious Life in the Roman Empire: Proceedings from the Fifth Workshop of the International Network Impact of Empire (Roman Empire, 200 B.C.–A.D. 476) Münster, June 30–July 4, 2004. Leiden, 179–93.Google Scholar
Hemelrijk, E. 2005. “Priestesses of the Imperial Cult in the Latin West: Titles and Function.” AntCl 74, 137–70.Google Scholar
Henley, A. and Kohner, N. 2001. When a Baby Dies: The Experience of Late Miscarriage, Stillbirth and Neonatal Death. London.Google Scholar
Hermann, J., Attanasio, D., and van den Hoek, A. 2012. “Characterization and Distribution of Marble from Cap de Garde and Mt. Filfila, Algeria.” In Gutiérrez Garcia, M., Lapuente Mercadal, P., and Rodà de Lllanza, I. (eds.), Interdisciplinary Studies on Ancient Stone: Proceedings of the IX Association for the Study of Marbles and Other Stones in Antiquity (ASMOSIA) Conference (Tarragona 2009). Tarragona, 300–9.Google Scholar
Hermann, J., Tykot, R. H., Attanasio, D., Blanc, P., and van den Hoek, A. 2015a. “Isotopic Testing of Marble for Figural Sculpture at Guelma, Algeria.” In Pensabene, P. and Gasparini, E. (eds.), Interdisciplinary Studies on Ancient Stone. Rome, 739–49.Google Scholar
Hermann, J., Tykot, R. H., van den Hoek, A., and Blanc, P. 2015b. “Multimethod Marble Identification for Figural Sculpture in Hippo Regius (Annaba, Algeria).” In Pensabene, P. and Gasparini, E. (eds.), Interdisciplinary Studies on Ancient Stone. Rome, 163–9.Google Scholar
Hicks, D. 2010. “The Material‐Cultural Turn: Event and Effect.” In Hicks, D. and Beaudry, M. C. (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Material Culture Studies. Oxford, 24–98.Google Scholar
Hicks, D. and Beaudry, M. C. (eds.). 2010. The Oxford Handbook of Material Culture Studies. Oxford.Google Scholar
Hilali, A. 2014. “Le camp romain créateur de son espace urbain.” In Briand-Ponsart, C. (ed.), Centres de pouvoir et organisation de l’espace. Caen, 263–84.Google Scholar
Hingley, R. 2005. Globalizing Roman Culture: Unity, Diversity and Empire. London.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hitchner, R. B. 1988. “The Kasserine Archaeological Survey, 1982–1986.” AntAfr 24, 7–41.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hobson, M. 2019. “Roman Towns and the Settlement Hierarchy of Ancient North Africa: A Bird’s-Eye View.” In de Ligt, L. and Bintliff, J., (eds.), Regional Urban Systems in the Roman World, 150 BCE – 250 CE. Leiden, 281–323.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hodder, I. 2014. “The Asymmetries of Symmetrical Archaeology.” Journal of Contemporary Archaeology 1, 228–30.Google Scholar
Hodos, T. 2020. The Archaeology of the Mediterranean Iron Age: A Globalising World, c. 1100–600 BCE. Cambridge.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hoftijzer, J. and Jongeling, K. 1995. Dictionary of the North–West Semitic Inscriptions. Handbuch der Orientalistik Erste Abteilung, Nahe und Mittlere Osten. Leiden.Google Scholar
Hopkins, K. 1978. Conquerors and Slaves. Sociological Studies in Roman History. Cambridge.Google Scholar
Horsley, G. H. R. 1981. New Documents Illustrating Early Christianity: A Review of the Greek Inscriptions and Papyri Published in 1976. North Ryde.Google Scholar
Hours-Miédan, M. 1951. “Les représentations figurées sur les stèles de Carthage.” CahByrsa 1, 15–160.Google Scholar
Hoyos, B. D. 2015. Mastering the West: Rome and Carthage at War. Ancient Warfare and Civilization. New York.Google Scholar
Huet, V. 1992. Le sacrifice romain sur les reliefs historiques en Italie. Unpublished PhD thesis. Paris. École des hautes études en sciences sociales.Google Scholar
Huet, V. 2007. “Le tibicien sur les reliefs sacrificiels à Rome.” Les dossiers d’archéologie 320, 54–7.Google Scholar
Huet, V. 2008a. “Le relief dit des suovétauriles de Beaujeu: Une image sacrificielle hors de l’Italie.” In Estienne, S., Jaillard, D., Lubtchansky, N., and Pouzadoux, C. (eds.), Image et religion dans l’antiquité gréco-romaine. Paris, 399–408.Google Scholar
Huet, V. 2008b. “Les images de sacrifice en Gaule romaine.” In Lepetz, S. and Van Andringa, W. (eds.), Archéologie du sacrifice animal en Gaule romaine, Rituels et pratiques alimentaires. Montagnac, 43–74.Google Scholar
Huet, V. 2017. “Roman Sacrificial Reliefs in Rome, Italy, and Gaul: Reconstructing Archaeological Evidence?” In C. Moser and J. Knust (eds.), Ritual Matters: Material Remains and Ancient Religion. 11–32.Google Scholar
Hugoniot, C. 2000. Rome en Afrique: De la chute de Carthage aux débuts de la conquête arabe. Paris.Google Scholar
Humphrey, C. and Laidlaw, J. 1994. The Archetypal Actions of Ritual: A Theory of Ritual Illustrated by the Jain Rite of Worship. Oxford.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Humphreys, O. 2021. London’s Roman Tools: Craft, Agriculture and Experience in an Ancient City. Oxford.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hurlet, F. 2000. “Auspiciis Imperatoris Caesaris Augusti, ductu proconsulis: L’intervention impériale dans le choix et les compétences du proconsul d’Afrique sous les Julio-Claudiens.” AfrRom 13, 1513–42.Google Scholar
Hurst, H. R., Ben Abdallah, Z., Fulford, M. G., and Henson, S. 1999. The Sanctuary of Tanit at Carthage in the Roman Period: A Re-interpretation. JRA Supplementary Series. Portsmouth, RI.Google Scholar
Huskinson, J. 1998. “‘Unfinished Portrait Heads’ on Later Roman Sarcophagi: Some New Perspectives.” PBSR 66, 129–58.Google Scholar
Huskinson, J. 2007. “Constructing Childhood on Roman Funerary Memorials.” In Cohen, A. and Rudder, J. B. (eds.), Constructions of Childhood in Ancient Greece and Italy. Hesperia Supplements 41. Princeton, NJ, 323–38.Google Scholar
Hvidberg-Hansen, F. O. 2007. “Die Embleme in Pavement.” In Niemeyer, H. G., Docter, R., Schmidt, K., and Bechtold, B. (eds.), Karthago: Die Ergebnisse der Hamburger Grabung unter dem Decumanus Maximus. Mainz, 223–8.Google Scholar
Ibrahim, B. A., Dunand, F., Heim, J. L., Lichtenberg, R., and Hussein, M. 2008. Le matériel archéologique et les restes humains de la nécropole d’Aïn el-Labakha (Oasis de Kharga). Paris.Google Scholar
Isaakidou, V., Halstead, P., Davis, J., and Stocker, S. 2002. “Burnt Animal Sacrifice at the Mycenaean ‘Palace of Nestor’.” Antiquity 76, 86–92.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
James, A. 2004. Constructing Childhood: Theory, Policy, and Social Practice. Houndmills.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Jeddi, N. 2010. “Présence punique à Acholla Botria.” In Ferjaoui, A. (ed.), La Carthage punique: Diffusion et permanence de sa culture en Afrique antique. Tunis, 121–30.Google Scholar
Jiménez, A. 2008. Imagines hibridae: Una aproximación postcolonialista al estudio de las necrópolis de la Bética. Madrid.Google Scholar
Jiménez, A. 2020. “Seeing in the Dark: Roman Imperialism and Material Culture.” Antiquity 94, 1643–5.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Jitta, A. N. Z. J. and Witteveen, A. M. 1976. “Roman Bronze Lunulae from the Netherlands.” Oudheidkundige Mededelingen 57, 167–95.Google Scholar
Johns, C. 1996. The Jewellery of Roman Britain: Celtic and Classical Traditions. London.Google Scholar
Johns, C. 2003. “Art, Romanisation, and Competence.” In Scott, S. and Webster, J. (eds.), Roman Imperialism and Provincial Art. Cambridge, 9–23.Google Scholar
Jones, A. M. and Boivin, N. 2010. “The Malice of Inanimate Objects: Material Agency.” In Hicks, D. and Beaudry, M. C. (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Material Culture Studies. Oxford, 333–51.Google Scholar
Jongeling, K. 1984. Names in Neo-Punic inscriptions. Unpublished PhD thesis. Rijksuniversiteit te Groningen.Google Scholar
Jongeling, K. 1999. “The Concluding Formulae in Punic Votive Inscriptions.” Dutch Studies on Near Eastern Languages and Literatures 4, 39–79.Google Scholar
Jongeling, K. and Kerr, R. M. 2005. Late Punic Epigraphy: An Introduction to the Study of Neo-Punic and Latino-Punic Inscriptions. Tubingen.Google Scholar
Judas, A. 1847. Étude démonstrative de la langue phénicienne et de la langue libyque. Paris.Google Scholar
Judas, A. 1861. “Sur dix-neuf inscriptions numidico-puniques, découvertes à Constantine.” RecConst 1860–1, 1–102.Google Scholar
Jullien, M. 1883. “Excursions de M. Henri Martin aux stations mégalithiques des environs de Constantine.” RecConst 1882, 214–21.Google Scholar
Kaiser, O. 1998. “Nādar.” In Botterweck, J., Ringgren, H., and Fabry, H. J. (eds.), Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament IX. Grand Rapids, MI, 242–55.Google Scholar
Kallala, N., Ribichini, S., Ben Abid, L., Botto, M., Candelato, F., Chérif, S., Fabiani, F., Garbati, G., Ghizzani Marcia, F., Jenen, M., Khelifi, L., Melchiorri, V., Oggiano, I., Tahar, M., Torchani, M., and Xella, P. 2014. “Fouilles tuniso–italiennes du tophet-sanctuaire d’Althiburos: Premiers résultats (campagnes 2007–2008).” RStFen 42, 89–108.Google Scholar
Kallala, N., Ribichini, S., Botto, M., and Fabiani, F. 2018. “Le tophet-sanctuaire de Ba’al Hammon–Saturne d’Althiburos: De la découverte à la fouille. Résultats préliminaires.” In Baratte, F., Brouquier-Reddé, V., and Rocca, E. (eds.), Du culte aux sanctuaires: L’architecture religieuse dans l’Afrique romaine et byzantine : actes du colloque 18–19 avril 2013, Paris. Orient & méditerranée. Paris, 113–34.Google Scholar
Kallala, N. and SanmartÍ, J. 2011. Althiburos I: La fouille dans l’aire du capitole et dans la nécropole méridionale. Tarragona.Google Scholar
Kallala, N., Sanmartí, J., Carme Belarte, M., and Ramon, J. 2008. “Recherches sur l’occupation d’Althiburos (Le Kef, Tunisie) et des ses environs à l’époque numide.” Pyrenae: Revista de Prehistòria i Antiguitat de la Mediterrània Occidental 39, 67–113.Google Scholar
Karageorghis, V. and Stampolidis, N. (eds.). 1998. Eastern Mediterranean: Cyprus – Dodecanese – Crete 16th–6th Cent. B.C. Athens.Google Scholar
Kaufman, B., Barnard, H., Drine, A., Khedher, R., Farahani, A., Tahar, S. B., Jerray, E., Damiata, B. N., Daniels, M., Cerezo-Román, J., Fenn, T., and Moses, V. 2021. “Quantifying Surplus and Sustainability in the Archaeological Record at the Carthaginian–Roman Urban Mound of Zita, Tripolitania.” CurrAnthr 62, 484–97.Google Scholar
Keane, W. 2003. “Semiotics and the Social Analysis of Material Things.” Language & Communication 23, 409–25.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Keane, W. 2005. “Materiality Signs Are Not the Garb of Meaning: On the Social Analysis of Material Things.” In Miller, D. (ed.), Materiality. Durham, NC, 182–205.Google Scholar
Keddie, G. A. 2019. Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins. Cambridge.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Keddie, G. A. 2024. “Linking Religion and Labour in the Roman Empire.” Religion in the Roman Empire 10(1), 15–46.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kerr, R. M. 2016. “Facio ut des. Zum Verbgebrauch in punischen Weihinschriften.” KUSATU 20, 119–22.Google Scholar
Khanoussi, M. 1992–3. “Un sanctuaire de Saturne à Bir Laafou, dans le nord-ouest de la Tunisie.” Africa 11–12, 112–39.Google Scholar
Khanoussi, M. and Maurin, L. 2002. Mourir à Dougga: Recueil des inscriptions funéraires. Bordeaux.Google Scholar
Kiernan, P. 2020. Roman Cult Images: The Lives and Worship of Idols, from the Iron Age to Late Antiquity. Cambridge.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kleiner, D. 1993. “The Great Friezes of the Ara Pacis Augustae: Greek Sources, Roman Derivatives and Augustan Social Policy.” In D’Ambra, E. (ed.), Roman Art in Context. Prentice Hall, 27–52.Google Scholar
Knapp, A. B. and van Dommelen, P. 2008. “Past Practices: Rethinking Individuals and Agents in Archaeology.” CAJ 18, 15–34.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Knappett, C. 2012. “Meaning in Miniature: Semiotic Networks in Material Culture.” In Jensen, M., Johanssen, N., and Jensen, H. J. (eds.), Excavating the Mind: Cross-Sections through Culture, Cognition and Materiality. Aarhus, 87–109.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Koortbojian, M. 2020. Crossing the Pomerium: The Boundaries of Political, Religious, and Military Institutions from Caesar to Constantine. Princeton, NJ.Google Scholar
Krahmalkov, C. R. 2000. Phoenician–Punic Dictionary. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta. Leuven.Google Scholar
Krandel-Ben Younès, A. 1990. “Stèles de Thibaris et de ses environs.” REPPAL 5, 27–39.Google Scholar
Krandel-Ben Younès, A. 1991. “Stèles anthropomorphiques trouvées à Dougga.” Atti del II congresso internazionale di studi Fenici e Punici II, 655–61.Google Scholar
Krause, B. 1984. Iuppiter Optimus Maximus Saturnus: Ein Beitrag zur ikonographischen Darstellung Saturns. Trierer Winckelmannsprogramme 5. Mainz.Google Scholar
Krings, V. (ed.). 1994. La civilisation phénicienne et punique: Manuel de recherche. Leiden.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kuttner, A. 2013. “Representing Hellenistic Numidia: Africa and Rome.” In Prag, J. R. W. and Quinn, J. (eds.), The Hellenistic West: Rethinking the Ancient Mediterranean. Cambridge, 216–72.Google Scholar
Laes, C. 2014. “Infants between Biological and Social Birth in Antiquity: A Phenomenon of the ‘Longue Durée’.” Historia 63, 364–83.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Lamboglia, N. 1952. “Per una classificazione preliminare della ceramica campana.” In Atti del I congresso internazionale di studi Liguri. Bordighera, 139–206.Google Scholar
Lancaster, L. C. 2015. Innovative Vaulting in the Architecture of the Roman Empire: 1st to 4th centuries CE. Cambridge.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Lantier, R. and Poinssot, L. 1942. “Les stèles découvertes dans une favissa du temple de Saturne à Dougga (Tunisie).” BAC 224–40.Google Scholar
Lapeyre, G. S. 1939. “Les fouilles du Musée Lavigerie à Carthage de 1935 à 1939.” CRAI 1939, 294–304.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Laporte, J.-P. 1999. “Notes sur Auzia (Sour el Ghozlane, ex-Aumale), en Maurétanie césarienne.” BAntFr 1999, 300–17.Google Scholar
Laporte, J. P. 2006. “N’Gaous (Numidie): Deux inscriptions nouvelles.” In Demougin, S., Loriot, X., Cosme, P., and Lefebvre, S. (eds.), H.–G. Pflaum: Un historien du XXe siècle. Geneva, 89–109.Google Scholar
Laroui, A. 1970. L’histoire du Maghreb: Un essai de synthèse. Textes à l’appui. Paris.Google Scholar
Larsson Lovén, L. 2013. “Children and Childhood in Roman Commemorative Art.” In Grubbs, J. Evans and Parkin, T. G. (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Childhood and Education in the Classical World. Oxford, 302–21.Google Scholar
Lassère, J.-M. 1973. “Recherches sur la chronologie des épitaphes païennes de l’Africa.” AntAfr 7, 7–152.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Lassère, J.-M. 1977. Ubique populus: Peuplement et mouvements de population dans l’Afrique romaine de la chute de Carthage à la fin de la dynastie des Sévères (146 a.C.–235 p.C.). Études d’antiquités africaines. Paris.Google Scholar
Lassère, J.-M. 2015. Africa, quasi Roma: 256 av. J.–C.–711 ap. J.C. Études d’antiquités africaines. Paris.Google Scholar
Laurence, R. 2017. “Children and the Urban Environment: Agency in Pompeii.” In Laes, C. and Vuolanto, V. (eds.), Children and Everyday Life in the Roman and Late Antique World. London, 27–42.Google Scholar
Lavan, M. 2016. “The Spread of Roman Citizenship, 14–212 CE: Quantification in the Face of High Uncertainty.” Past & Present 230, 3–46.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Le Bohec, Y. 1981. “Inscriptions juives et judaïsantes de l’Afrique romaine.” AntAfr 17, 165–207.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Le Bohec, Y. 1989a. La troisième légion Auguste. Études d’antiquités africaines. Paris.Google Scholar
Le Bohec, Y. 1989b. Les unités auxiliaires de l’armée romaine en Afrique proconsulaire et Numidie sous le Haut Empire. Études d’antiquités africaines. Paris.Google Scholar
Le Bohec, Y. 2005. “L’onomastique de l’Afrique romaine sous le Haut-Empire et les cognomina dits ‘africains’.” Pallas 68, 217–329.Google Scholar
Le Bohec, Y. 2013. Histoire de l’Afrique romaine: 146 avant J.–C.–439 après J.–C. Paris.Google Scholar
Le Glay, M. 1956. Les religions orientales dans l’Afrique ancienne d’après les collections du Musée S. Gsell (Alger). Algiers.Google Scholar
Le Glay, M. 1975. “Les syncrétismes dans l’Afrique ancienne.” In Dunand, F. and Lévêque, P. (eds.), Les syncrétismes dans les religions de l’antiquité. Paris, 123–51.Google Scholar
Le Glay, M. 1988. “Nouveaux documents sur Saturne africain.” Studia Phoenicia 6, 187–237.Google Scholar
Leguilloux, M. 2012. “La faune.” In Balmelle, C., Bourgeois, A., Broise, H., Darmon, J. P., and Ennaïfer, M. (eds.), Carthage, colline de l’Odéon. Maison de la rotonde et du cryptoportique: (Recherches 1987–2000). Rome, 599–611.Google Scholar
Leone, A. 2007. Changing Townscapes in North Africa from Late Antiquity to the Arab Conquest. Bari.Google Scholar
Leroy, A. 1912. “Le tempIe de Baal–Saturne à Hippone.” Bulletin de l’Académie d’Hippone 32, 47–58.Google Scholar
Leveau, P. 1977. “Recherches historiques sur une région montagneuse de Maurétanie Césarienne: Des Tigava Castra à la mer.” MEFRA 89, 257–311.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Leveau, P. 2014. “L’Afrique romaine: Resistance et identite, histoire et memoire.” In Ferdi, S. (ed.), L’affirmation de l’identite dans l’Algerie antique et medievale: Combats et resistances. Algiers, 37–59.Google Scholar
Leveau, P. 2016. “L’archéologie française en Algérie et la résistance à la romanisation: Les enjeux d’un débat.” In Dridi, H. and Andreose, A. Mezzolani (eds.), Under Western Eyes: Approches occidentales de l’archéologie nord-africaine (XIXe–XXe siècles). Bologne, 127–38.Google Scholar
Leveau, P. 2018. “Climat, sociétés et environnement aux marges sahariennes du Maghreb: Une approche historiographique.” In Guédon, S. (ed.), La frontière méridionale du Maghreb: Approches croisées (Antiquité–Moyen Âge). Bordeaux, 19–105.Google Scholar
Lévêque, P. 1999. “Avant et après les princes. L’Afrique mineure de l’Age du fer.” In Ruby, P. (ed.), Les princes de la protohistoire et l’émergence de l’État. Paris, 153–64.Google Scholar
Lewis, J. 2020. “Agnus Vicarius, a Substitute for Child Sacrifice?” In Aounallah, S. and Mastino, A. (eds.), L’epigrafia del Nord Africa: Novità, riletture, nuove sintesi. Faenza, 395–402.Google Scholar
Leynaud, A. F. 1911. “Rapport sur les fouilles d’un sanctuaire phénicien à Sousse (Tunisie).” CRAI 1911, 470–80.Google Scholar
Lézine, A. 1959a. Architecture punique: Recueil de documents. Publications de l’Universitâe de Tunis, Faculté des lettres et sciences humaines de Tunis. Première série, Archéologie-histoire. Paris.Google Scholar
Lézine, A. 1959b. “Résistance à l’hellénisme de l’architecture religieuse à Carthage.” Les cahiers de Tunisie 26–7, 247–62.Google Scholar
Lichterman, P. 2017. “Grouping Together in Lived Ancient Religion: Individual Interacting and the Formation of Groups.” Religion in the Roman Empire 3, 3–10.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Limam, A. 2004. “Le génie de la fertilité dérivé du signe dit de Tanit: Filiation iconographique et symbolisme.” REPPAL 13, 149–74.Google Scholar
Limam, A. 2008. “Stèles à Saturne trouvées au voisinage de la nécropole Nord, à Henchir Ghayadha.” AntAfr 44, 169–85.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Lipinski, E. 1995. “Le ‘caducée.’” In Fantar, M. and Ghaki, M. (eds.), Actés du IIIe congrès international des études phéniciennes et puniques (Tunis, 11–16 novembre 1991). Tunis, 203–9.Google Scholar
López Castro, J. L. 2003. “La formación de las ciudades fenicias occidentales,” Byrsa. Rivista di archeologia, arte, e cultura punica 2: 69-120Google Scholar
López-Ruiz, C. and Doak, B. (eds.). 2019. The Oxford Handbook of the Phoenician and Punic Mediterranean. Oxford.Google Scholar
Lorcin, P. M. 1995. Imperial Identities: Stereotyping, Prejudice and Race in Colonial Algeria. Society and Culture in the Modern Middle East. New York.Google Scholar
Lorcin, P. M. 2002. “Rome and France in Africa: Recovering Colonial Algeria’s Latin Past.” French Historical Studies 25, 295–329.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Luhrmann, T. 2020. How God Becomes Real: Kindling the Presence of Invisible Others. Princeton, NJ.Google Scholar
Lydon, J. and Rizvi, U. Z. 2010 (eds.). Handbook of Postcolonial Archaeology. Walnut Creek, CA.Google Scholar
M’Charek, A. 1982. Aspects de l’évolution démographique et sociale à Mactaris aux IIe et IIIe siécles ap. J.C. Publications de l’Université de Tunis, Faculté des lettres et sciences humaines de Tunis Première série, Archéologie-histoire. Tunis.Google Scholar
M’Charek, A. 1988. “Maghrāwa, lieu de provenance des stèles punico–numides dites de la Ghorfa.” MEFRA 100, 731–60.Google Scholar
M’Charek, A. 1992. “Inscriptions découvertes entre Zama Regia (Henchir Jama) et [Ma]rag(ui) Sara (Henchir Chaar).” AfrRom 9, 251–64.Google Scholar
M’Charek, A. 1995. “La romanisation du culte de Ba’al Hammon dans la région de Maktar.” In Fantar, M. and Ghaki, M. (eds.), Actés du IIIe congrès international des études phéniciennes et puniques (Tunis, 11–16 novembre 1991). Tunis, 245–57.Google Scholar
M’Charek, A. 2018. “À propos de la grande divinité féminine sur les stèles figurées de la Thusca occidentale (région de Mactaris et Zama Regia).” In Baratte, F., Brouquier-Reddé, V., and Rocca, E. (eds.), Du culte aux sanctuaires: L’architecture religieuse dans l’Afrique romaine et byzantine : actes du colloque 18–19 avril 2013, Paris. Orient & méditerranée. Paris, 151–65.Google Scholar
M’Charek, A., Jaïdi, H., Baklouti, H., and Sehili, S. 2008. “Recherches d’archéologie et d’histoire à Henchir Ghayadha/Bagat? (Tunisie).” AntAfr 44, 111–67.Google Scholar
Maallem, M. F. and Boudraa, F. Z. 2020. “À propos d’une inscription en l’honneur de Saturne à Guelaat Bouatfane (sud de Guelma, Algérie).” Cartagine: Studi e Ricerche 5, 1–9.Google Scholar
Mackensen, M. 1997. “Die castra hiberna der Legio III Augusta in Ammaedara/Haidra.” RM 104, 321–34.Google Scholar
Mahjoubi, A. 1968. “Stèles à Saturne d’El Afareg.” In Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire offers à Charles Saumagne. Tunis, 146–56.Google Scholar
Malafouris, L. 2020. “Thinking as ‘Thinging’: Psychology with Things.” Current Directions in Psychological Science 29, 3–8.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Manfredi, L. I. 2003. “La politica amministrativa di Cartagine in Africa.” MemLinc 16, 330–532.Google Scholar
Manning, W. H. 1985. Catalogue of Romano–British Iron Tools, Fittings and Weapons in the British Museum. London.Google Scholar
Mantas, K. 2006. “Children as Office Holders and Benefactors in the Eastern Part of the Roman Empire.” Polis: Revista de ideas y formas políticas de la Antigüedad 18, 163–86.Google Scholar
Mantle, I. C. 2002. “The Roles of Children in Roman Religion.” GaR 49, 85–106.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Marín Ceballos, M. C. 2021. “Tinnit.” In Niehr, H. and Xella, P. (eds.), Encyclopaedic Dictionary of Phoenician Culture II. 1: Religion – Deities and Mythical Characters. Leuven, 227–35.Google Scholar
Marrou, H.–I. 1933. “La collection Gaston de Vulpillières à El-Kantara.” MEFRA 42–86.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Masini, L. 2023. “Colonial Rhetoric in Cinema for Didactic Use from a Transnational View: The Italian Epic Film Cabiria (1914) at the Indian Industrial School of Carlisle.” Transnational Screens 14, 1–13.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mastino, A. and Zucca, R. 2004. “La naissance de la culture épgraphique latine en Afrique.” In Fantar, M. (ed.), Débuts de l’écriture au Maghreb. Casablanca, 191–221.Google Scholar
Masuzawa, T. 2005. The Invention of World Religions, or, How European Universalism Was Preserved in the Language of Pluralism. Chicago, IL.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mattingly, D. J. 1996. “From One Colonialism to Another: Imperialism and the Maghreb.” In Webster, J. and Cooper, N. (eds.), Roman Imperialism: Post-Colonial Perspectives. Leicester, 49–69.Google Scholar
Mattingly, D. J. 2004. “Being Roman: Expressing Identity in a Provincial Context.” JRA 17, 5–25.Google Scholar
Mattingly, D. J. 2006. An Imperial Possession: Britain in the Roman Empire, 54 BC–AD 409. London.Google Scholar
Mattingly, D. J. 2011. Imperialism, Power, and Identity: Experiencing the Roman Empire. Miriam S. Balmuth Lectures in Ancient History and Archaeology. Princeton, NJ.Google Scholar
Mattingly, D. J. 2016. “Who Shaped Africa? The Origins of Agriculture and Urbanism in Maghreb and Sahara.” In Mugnai, N., Nikolaus, J., and Roy, N. (eds.), De Africa Romaque: Merging Cultures across North Africa. London, 11–25.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mattingly, D. J. 2023. Between Sahara and Sea: Africa in the Roman Empire. Thomas Spencer Jerome Lectures. Ann Arbor, MI.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mattingly, D. and Alcock, S. E. (eds.). 1997. Dialogues in Roman Imperialism: Power, Discourse, and Discrepant Experience in the Roman Empire. Journal of Roman Archaeology Supplementary Series 23. Portsmouth, RI.Google Scholar
Mayblin, M. and Course, M. 2014. “The Other Side of Sacrifice: Introduction.” Ethnos 79, 307–19.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mayer, E. 2012. The Ancient Middle Classes: Urban Life and Aesthetics in the Roman Empire, 100 BCE–250 CE. Cambridge.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
McCarty, M. M. 2010. “Réseaux d’idées: Routes romaines et géographie religieuse dans l’Afrique du nord.” AfrRom 18, 833–48.Google Scholar
McCarty, M. M. 2011a. “Representations and the ‘Meaning’ of Ritual Change: The Case of Hadrumetum.” In Chaniotis, A. (ed.), Ritual Dynamics in the Ancient Mediterranean. Frankfurt, 203–34.Google Scholar
McCarty, M. M. 2011b. “Soldiers and Stelae: Votive Cult and the Roman Army in North Africa.” Bollettino di Archeologia Online 1, 1–10.Google Scholar
McCarty, M. M. 2011c. “Beyond Models and Diffusion, Centres and Peripheries: Art in Roman Africa.” In Nogales, T. and Rodà, I. (eds.), Roma y las provincias: Modelo y difusión. Mérida, 495–504.Google Scholar
McCarty, M. M. 2012–13. “Continuities and Contexts: The Tophets of Roman Imperial-Period Africa.” Studi Epigrafici e Linguistici 29/30, 93–112.Google Scholar
McCarty, M. M. 2016. “Gods, Masks and Monstra: Situational Syncretisms in Roman Africa.” In Alcock, S., Egri, M., and Frakes, J. (eds.), Beyond Boundaries: Connecting Visual Cultures in the Provinces of Ancient Rome. Malibu, CA, 266–80.Google Scholar
McCarty, M. M. 2017. “Africa Punica? Child Sacrifice and Other Invented Traditions in Early Roman Africa.” Religion in the Roman Empire 3, 393–428.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
McCarty, M. M. 2018. “French Archaeology and History in the Colonial Maghreb Inheritance, Presence, and Absence.” In Effros, B. and Lai, G. (eds.), Unmasking Ideology. Los Angeles, CA, 359–82.Google Scholar
McCarty, M. M. 2019. “The Tophet and Infant Sacrifice.” In López-Ruiz, C and Doak, B. (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of the Phoenician and Punic Mediterranean. Oxford, 310–25.Google Scholar
McCarty, M. M. 2021. “Pre-Roman Libyan Religion. Colonial Ethnography and the Problem of Religious ‘Survivals’.” Revista de historiografía 36, 127–48.Google Scholar
McCarty, M. M. 2022. “Reforesting Roman Africa: Woodland Resources, Worship, and Colonial Erasures.” JRS 112, 105–41.Google Scholar
McCarty, M. M. forthcoming. “Reconsidering “Substitution Sacrifice” in Roman Africa. Evidence and the Semiotics of Ritual Efficacy on the N’Gaous Stelae.” In V. Gasparini (ed.), Lived Ancient Religion in North Africa.Google Scholar
McCarty, M. M. and Quinn, J. 2015. “Échos puniques en Numidie.” In Badi, D. (ed.), Massinissa: Au cœur de la consécration du premier état numide. Algiers, 167–98.Google Scholar
Melchiorri, V. 2009. “Le tophet de Sulci (S. Antioco, Sardaigne): État des études et perspectives de la recherche.” UgaritF 41, 509–24.Google Scholar
Melchiorri, V. 2016a. “I santuari infantili a incinerazione della Sardegna: Una rassegna preliminare.” In Tagliente, A. R. and Guarneri, F. (eds.), Santuari mediterranei tra Oriente e Occidente. Rome, 271–81.Google Scholar
Melchiorri, V. 2016b. “Identità, identicazione sociale e fatti culturali: Osservazioni sul mondo della diaspora fenicia e alcune sue trasformazioni (VIII–VI sec. a.C.).” In Garbati, G. and Pedrazzi, T. (eds.), Transformations and Crisis in the Mediterranean: Identity and Interculturality in the Levant and Phoenician West during the 8th–5th Centuries BCE. Rome, 149–71.Google Scholar
Melchiorri, V. 2023. “The Iconography of Children as Cultic Characters in Mediterranean Tophet Precincts.” Journal of Ancient History 11, 259–76.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mendes, N. 2021. African Saturn in Late Antiquity. Unpublished PhD thesis. University of Sydney.Google Scholar
Merlin, A. 1909. “Note sur des terres cuites découvertes à Bir-Bou-Rekba.” BAC 1909, 68–74.Google Scholar
Merlin, A. 1919. “Statuettes et reliefs en terre cuite découverts à Carthage.” BAC 1919, 178–96.Google Scholar
Meskell, L. 2006. “Archaeologies of Identity.” In Insoll, T. (ed.), The Archaeology of Identities. London, 23–43.Google Scholar
Mettinger, T. N. D. 1995. No Graven Image? Israelite Aniconism in Its Ancient Near Eastern Context. Stockholm.Google Scholar
Michielin, L. 2021. Fores et fenestrae: A Computational Study of Doors and Windows in Roman Domestic Space. Oxford.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Miles, R. 2011. Carthage Must Be Destroyed: The Rise and Fall of an Ancient Civilization. New York.Google Scholar
Miller, D. 1998. “Coca-Cola: A Black Sweet Drink from Trinidad.” In Miller, D. (ed.), Material Cultures. London, 169–87.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mócsy, A. 1970. Gesellschaft und Romanisation in der römischen Provinz Moesia Superior. Amsterdam.Google Scholar
Moore, J. 1999. “Cultural Elasticity in the Inscriptions of the So-Called ‘La Ghorfa’ Stelae.” AntAfr 34, 31–7.Google Scholar
Moore, J. 2000. Cultural Identity in Roman Africa: The ‘La Ghorfa’ Stelae. Unpublished PhD thesis. McMaster University.Google Scholar
Moore, J. 2007. “The ‘Mausoleum Culture’ of Africa Proconsularis.” In Stone, D. and Stirling, L. (eds.), Mortuary Landscapes of North Africa. Toronto, 75–109.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Moore, J. 2010. “The Caduceus in the Second Punic War.” In Ben Abid, L. (ed.), Iconographie et religions dans le Maghreb antique et médiéval. Tunis, 7–17.Google Scholar
Moormann, E. M. 2000. Ancient Sculpture in the Allard Pierson Museum Amsterdam. Amsterdam.Google Scholar
Morgan, D. 2021. The Thing about Religion: An Introduction to the Material Study of Religions. Chapel Hill, NC.Google Scholar
Morgan, L. M. 1989. “When Does Life Begin? A Cross-Cultural Perspective on the Personhood of Fetuses and Young Children.” In Doerr, E. and Prescott, J. (eds.), Abortion Rights and “Fetal” Personhood. Long Beach, CA, 97–114.Google Scholar
Morgan, L. M. 2006. “‘Life Begins When They Steal Your Bicycle’: Cross-Cultural Practices of Personhood at the Beginnings and Ends of Life.” Journal of Law, Medicine and Ethics 36, 193–218.Google Scholar
Mosca, P. 1975. Child Sacrifice in Caananite and Israelite Religion: A Study in Mulk and MLK. Unpublished PhD thesis. Harvard University.Google Scholar
Mosca, P. 1981. “The Offerants and Their Professions.” Paper read at the Carthage Symposium, San Franscisco, November 1981.Google Scholar
Moscati, S. 1986. Le stele di Sulcis, caratteri e confronti. Collezione di studi fenici. Rome.Google Scholar
Moscati, S. and Uberti, M. L. 1970. Le stele puniche di Nora nel Museo nazionale di Cagliari. Pubblicazioni del Centro di studio per la civiltà fenicia e punica. Rome.Google Scholar
Moscati, S. and Uberti, M. L. 1981. Scavi a Mozia: Le stele. Pubblicazioni del Centro di studio per la civilità fenicia e punica. Rome.Google Scholar
Moscati, S. and Uberti, M. L. 1985. Scavi al tofet di Tharros: I monumenti lapidei. Collezione di studi fenici. Rome.Google Scholar
Moumni, R. 2020. “Archaeology and Cultural Policy in Ottoman Tunisia Part I: Muhammad Khaznadar (1865–70).” Muqarnas Online 37, 265–89.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Moumni, R. 2021. “Archaeology and Cultural Policy in Ottoman Tunisia Part II: Muhammad Khaznadar (1871–99).” Muqarnas Online 38, 223–52.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mugnai, N., Nikolaus, J., and Roy, N. (eds.). 2016. De Africa Romaque: Merging Cultures across North Africa. London.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mullen, A. and James, P. (eds.). 2012. Multilingualism in the Graeco-Roman Worlds. Cambridge.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mylonopoulos, J. 2010. “Odysseus with a Trident? The Use of Attributes in Ancient Greek Imagery.” In Mylonopoulos, J. (ed.), Divine Images and Human Imaginations in Ancient Greece and Rome. Leiden, 171–204.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Naddari, L. and Hamrouni, M. R. 2018. “Recherches sur la résurgence du vocabulaire sémitique dans le langage religieux des provinces romaines d’Afrique: Le cas du terme moctor.” LibSt 49, 171–6.Google Scholar
Nanoglou, S. 2009. “The Materiality of Representation: A Preface.” Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 16, 157–61.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Neville, A. 2007. Mountains of Silver & Rivers of Gold: The Phoenicians in Iberia. Oxford.Google Scholar
Niehr, H. and Xella, P. (eds.). 2021. Encyclopaedic Dictionary of Phoenician Culture II. 1: Religion – Deities and Mythical Characters. Leuven.Google Scholar
Niemeyer, H. G. 2000. “Un nuevo santuario de la diosa Tanit en Cartago.” In Barthelemy, M. and Aubet, M. E. (eds.), Actas del IV Congreso Internacional de Estudios Fenicios y Púnicos. Cadiz, 635–42.Google Scholar
Nigro, L. 2010. “Il tofet.” In Nigro, L. (ed.), La Sapienza a Mozia: Quarant’anni di ricerca archeologica, 1964–2004. Rome, 38–45.Google Scholar
Nigro, L. 2013. “Mozia. Il Tofet e la città: Il limite meridionale del santuario e le strutture collegate negli scavi della Sapienza 2010–2011.” ScAnt 37–52.Google Scholar
Nigro, L. 2015. “Mozia tra IV e III sec. a.C. Nuovi dati dagli scavi della Sapienza.” In Tusa, V. and Buccellato, C. (eds.), La Battaglia delle Egadi. Palermo, 15–26.Google Scholar
Nigro, L. 2020a. “Mozia e l’espansione fenicia verso Occidente: Dalla pre-colonizzazione alla colonizzazione. Il primo insediamento presso le sorgenti del Kothon.” In Castro, J. L. López (ed.), Entre Utica y Gadir. Granada, 97–115.Google Scholar
Nigro, L. 2020b. “Nuovi scavi al Tofet di Mozia (2009–2014): Il Tempio di Astarte (T6), l’Edificio T5 e il sacello T8.” In Guirguis, M., Muscuso, S., and Orquín, R. P. (eds.), Cartagine, il Mediterraneo centro-occidentale e la Sardegna: Società, economia e cultura materiale tra Fenici e autoctoni. Sassari, 121–46.Google Scholar
Nilsson, M. P. 1967. Geschichte der griechischen Religion. 2 vols. Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft. Munich.Google Scholar
Nock, A. D. 1925. “Studies in the Graeco-Roman Beliefs of the Empire.” JHS 45, 84–101.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Nongbri, B. 2008. “Dislodging ‘Embedded’ Religion: A Brief Note on a Scholarly Trope.” Numen 55, 440–60.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Noreña, C. 2011. Imperial Ideals in the Roman West: Representation, Circulation, Power. Cambridge.Google Scholar
Nunn, A. 2023. “Iconisme et aniconisme dans les représentations religieuses au Proche-Orient ancien: Une stratégie?” In Porzia, F. and Bonnet, C. (eds.), Divine Names on the Spot II: Exploring the Potentials of Names through Images and Narratives. Leuven, 293–326.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Olsen, B. 2003. “Material Culture after Text: Re‐membering Things.” Norwegian Archaeological Review 36, 87–104.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Olson, K. 2008. “The Appearance of the Young Roman Girl.” In Edmondson, J. and Keith, A. (eds.), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture. Toronto, 139–57.Google Scholar
Olson, K. 2017. Masculinity and Dress in Roman Antiquity. Routledge Monographs in Classical Studies. Abingdon.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Orfali, M. 2008. “Notes sur quelques stèles de tradition punique provenant de Tipasa.” AfrRom 17, 1993–2003.Google Scholar
Orsingher, A. 2015. “Vessels in Tophet Sanctuaries: The Archaic Evidence and the Levantine Connection.” In Afeiche, A. M. Maila (ed.), Cult and Ritual on the Levantine Coast and Its Impact on the Eastern Mediterranean Realm: Proceedings of the International Symposium, Beirut 2012. Beirut, 561–90.Google Scholar
Ouazaa, N. L., Casas, L., Álvarez, A., and Fouzai, B. 2013. “Provenance of Marble Sculptures from the National Museum of Carthage (Tunisia).” JAS 40, 1602–10.Google Scholar
Oulebsir, N. 2004. Les usages du patrimoine: Monuments, musées et politique coloniale en Algérie, 1830–1930. Paris.Google Scholar
Pallary, P. 1922. “Note sur les urnes funéraires trouvées à Salammbô près Carthage.” Revue Tunisienne 1922, 206–11.Google Scholar
Papi, E. 2014. “Punic Mauretania?” In Quinn, J. and Vella, N. (eds.), The Punic Mediterranean: Identities and Identification from Phoenician Settlement to Roman Rule. Cambridge, 202–18.Google Scholar
Parker, R. 2017. Greek Gods Abroad: Names, Natures, and Transformations. Sather Classical Lectures. Berkeley, CA.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Parkin, T. G. 1992. Demography and Roman Society. Ancient Society and History. Baltimore, MD.Google Scholar
Peirce, C. S. 1982. The Writings of Charles S. Peirce: A Chronological Edition. Bloomington, IN.Google Scholar
Pensabene, P. 1976. “Sull’impiego del marmo di Cap de Garde: Condizioni giuridiche e significato economico delle cave in età imperial.” StMisc 22, 177–90.Google Scholar
Pensabene, P. 1984. Tempio di Saturno: Architettura e decorazione. Lavori e studi di archeologia. Rome.Google Scholar
Pensabene, P. and Gasparini, E. (eds.). 2015. Interdisciplinary Studies on Ancient Stone: ASMOSIA X. Rome.Google Scholar
Perra, C. 2016. “L’età del Ferro del nuraghe Sirai.” In Trudu, E., Paglietti, G., and Muresu, M. (eds.), Layers: Archeologia territoria contesti. Cagliari, 229–53.Google Scholar
Peyras, J. 2015. La loi agraire de 643 a. u. c. (111 avant J.–C.) et l’Afrique: Présentation, essai de restitution (lignes 43–95), traduction et notes. Besançon.Google Scholar
Peyras, J. 2018. “La terre et les hommes de la Prouincia Africa, de la loi agraire de 111 av. J.–C. à Jules César.” RIPARIA 4, 1–27.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Pflaum, H.-G. 1970. “La romanisation de l’ancien territoire de la Carthage punique à la lumière des découvertes épigraphiques récentes.” AntAfr 4, 75–118.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Picard, C. 1968. “Genèse et évolution des signes de la bouteille et de Tanit à Carthage.” Studi Magrebini 2, 77–87.Google Scholar
Picard, C. 1973. “Les représentations de sacrifice molk sur les stèles de Carthage.” Karthago 17, 67–138.Google Scholar
Picard, C. 1976. “Les représentations de sacrifice molk sur les stèles de Carthage.” Karthago 18, 5–116.Google Scholar
Piganiol, M. and Laurent-Vibert, R. 1912. “Recherches archéologiques à Ammaedara (Haïdra).” MEFRA 32, 69–229.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Pilkington, N. 2013. An Archaeological History of Carthaginian Imperialism. Unpublished PhD thesis. Columbia University.Google Scholar
Pitts, M. and Versluys, M. J. 2015. Globalisation and the Roman World: World History, Connectivity and Material Culture. New York.Google Scholar
Pitts, M. and Versluys, M. J. 2021. “Objectscapes: A Manifesto for Investigating the Impacts of Object Flows on Past Societies.” Antiquity 95, 367–81.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Poinssot, L. 1929. L’autel de la Gens Augusta à Carthage. Notes & documents publiés par la Direction des antiquités et arts 10. Paris.Google Scholar
Pollard, N. 2007. “Colonial and Cultural Identities in Parthian and Roman Dura–Europos.” In Alston, R. and Lieu, S. (eds.), Aspects of the Roman East: Papers in Honour of Professor Fergus Millar. Turnhout, 81–102.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Porzia, F. and Bonnet, C. (eds.). 2023. Divine Names on the Spot II: Exploring the Potentials of Names through Images and Narratives. Leuven.Google Scholar
Pouillon, F. 1993. “Simplification ethnique en Afrique du Nord: Maures, Arabes, Berbères (XVIIIe–XXe siècles).” Cahiers d’Études Africaines 33, 37–49.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Prag, J. R. W. and Quinn, J. (eds.). 2013. The Hellenistic West: Rethinking the Ancient Mediterranean. Cambridge.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Preucel, R. W. and Bauer, A. A. 2001. “Archaeological Pragmatics.” Norwegian Archaeological Review 34, 85–96.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Puccio, L. 2010. “Pieds et empreintes de pieds dans les cultes isiaques.” Mélanges de la Casa de Velázquez 40, 137–55.Google Scholar
Quinn, J. 2011. “The Cultures of the Tophet: Identification and Identity in the Phoenician Diaspora.” In Gruen, E. (ed.), Cultural Identity in the Ancient Mediterranean. Malibu, CA, 388–413.Google Scholar
Quinn, J. 2013. “Monumental Power: ‘Numidian Royal Architecture’ in Context.” In Prag, J. R. W. and Quinn, J. (eds.), The Hellenistic West: Rethinking the Ancient Mediterranean. Cambridge, 179–215.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Quinn, J. 2018. In Search of the Phoenicians. Miriam S. Balmuth Lectures in Ancient History and Archaeology. Princeton, NJ.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Quinn, J. and Vella, N. (eds.). 2014. The Punic Mediterranean: Identities and Identification from Phoenician Settlement to Roman Rule. Cambridge.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Quoniam, P. 1950. “A propos d’une inscription de Thuburnica (Tunisie): Marius et la romanisation de l’Afrique.” CRAI 1950, 332–6.Google Scholar
Raepsaet-Charlier, M. T. 1993. Diis deabusque sacrum: Formulaire votif et datation dans les trois Gaules et les deux Germanies. Gallia romana. Paris.Google Scholar
Rahmouni, A. 2008. Divine Epithets in the Ugaritic Alphabetic Texts: Handbook of Oriental Studies. Boston, MA.Google Scholar
Rakob, F. 1979. “Numidische Königsarchitektur in Nordafrika.” In Rüger, H. and Christoph, B. (eds.), Die Numider: Reiter und Könige nördlich der Sahara. Cologne, 119–71.Google Scholar
Rakob, F. 1983. “Architecture royale numide.” In Architecture et société: De l’archaïsme grec à la fin de la République. Rome, 325–48.Google Scholar
Rakob, F. 1991. “Ein punisches Heiligtum in Karthago und sein römischer Nachfolgebau: Erster Vorbericht.” RM 98, 33–80.Google Scholar
Rakob, F. 1995. “Forschungen im Stadtzentrum von Karthago: Zweiter Vorbericht.” RM 102, 413–74.Google Scholar
Rawson, B. 2001. “Children as Cultural Symbols: Imperial Ideology in the Second Century.” In Dixon, S. (ed.), Childhood, Class and Kin in the Roman World. London, 21–42.Google Scholar
Rebillard, E. 2017. Christians and Their Many Identities in Late Antiquity, North Africa, 200–450 CE. Ithaca, NY.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Reboud, V. 1878. “Quelques mots sur les stèles néo-puniques découvertes par Lazare Costa.” RecConst 1878, 434–62.Google Scholar
Redissi, T. 1991. “Les empreintes de sceaux égyptiens et égyptiens de Carthage.” CEDAC 12, 13–24.Google Scholar
Reinach, S. and Babelon, E. 1886. “Recherches archéologiques en Tunisie (1883–1884).” BAC 1886, 4–78.Google Scholar
Renault, J. 1914. “Le culte d’Adonis au Khanguet-El-Hadjaj (Tunisie).” Association française pour l’avancement des sciences 42, 494–9.Google Scholar
Renberg, G. 2003. “Commanded by the Gods”: An Epigraphical Study of Dreams and Visions in Greek and Roman Religious Life. Unpublished PhD thesis. Duke University.Google Scholar
Revell, L. 2016. Ways of Being Roman: Discourses of Identity in the Roman West. Oxford.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ribichini, S. 1998. “La proibizione del sacrificio umano–cartaginese.” In Dietrich, M. and Kottsieper, I. (eds.), “Und Mose schrieb dieses Lied auf”: Studien zum Alten Testament und zum Alten Orient. Festschrift für Oswald Loretz. Munster, 655–68.Google Scholar
Ricci, C. 2011. “‘In custodium urbis’: Notes on the ‘cohortes urbanae’ (1968–2010).” Historia 60, 484–508.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Richard, J. 1961. Étude médico-légale des urnes sacrificielles puniques et de leur contenu. Unpublished thesis. Université de Lille.Google Scholar
Riggs, D. 2005. Pagans and Christians in Central North Africa: Reconsidering the Growth of Christianity from Cyprian to Augustine. Unpublished D.Phil. thesis. Oxford.Google Scholar
Rives, J. B. 1995. Religion and Authority in Roman Carthage from Augustus to Constantine. Oxford.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Rizakis, A. 2007. “Urban Elites in the Roman East: Enhancing Regional Positions and Social Superiority.” In Rüpke, J. (ed.), A Companion to Roman Religion. Cambridge, 317–30.Google Scholar
Rocca, E. 2012. Ammaedara (Haïdra) et son territoire: Étude d’une ville de l’Afrique antique. Unpublished PhD thesis. Université de Paris IV.Google Scholar
Rocca, E. 2017. “Les fouilles du docteur Giacomo Dolcemascolo à Haïdra-Ammaedara dans les années 1930. L’histoire de la découverte archéologique d’une antique cité tunisienne durant l’entre-deux-guerres.” In Dondin-Payre, M., Jaïdi, H., Saint-Amans, S., and Sebaï, M. (eds.), Autour du fonds Poinssot: Lumières sur l’archéologie tunisienne (1870–1980). Paris, 231–41.Google Scholar
Rolley, C. 1968. “Les cultes égyptiens à Thasos: À propos de quelques documents nouveaux.” BCH 92, 187–219.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Röllig, W. 1983. “The Phoenician Language.” In Atti del I: Congresso Internationale di Studi Fenici e Punici. Rome, 375–85.Google Scholar
Romanelli, P. 1970. Topografia e archeologia dell’Africa romana. Enciclopedia classica. Sezione III. Archeologia e storia dell’arte classica. X. Turin.Google Scholar
Rossi, M. and Garbini, G. 1976. “Nuovi documenti epigrafici dalla Tripolitania romana.” LibAnt 13–14, 7–20.Google Scholar
Rossiter, J. 2020. “Building Roman Carthage: Brickstamps in the Musée National de Carthage.” In Humphrey, J. H. (ed.), For the Love of Carthage. Portsmouth, RI, 179–95.Google Scholar
Rouighi, R. 2019. Inventing the Berbers: History and Ideology in the Maghrib. Middle Ages Series. Philadelphia, PA.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ruiu, P. F. 2007b. “Gli unguentari: Analisi tipologia e tecnico-stilistica.” ElHami, 394–8.Google Scholar
Ruiz, L. and Peña, V. 2010. “La pervivencia de los tofet como elemento de cohesión territorial tras la caída de Cartago.” In Ferjaoui, A. (ed.), Carthage et les autochtones de son empire du temps de Zama: Colloque international organisé à Siliana et Tunis du 10 au 13 mars 2004. Hommage à Mh. H. Fantar. Tunis, 459–70.Google Scholar
Ruiz Cabrero, L. A. 2008. “Dedicantes en los tofet: La sociedad fenicia en el Mediterráneo.” Gerión 26, 89–148.Google Scholar
Rüpke, J. 1996. “Controllers and Professionals: Analyzing Religious Specialists.” Numen 43, 241–62.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Rüpke, J. 2016. On Roman Religion: Lived Religion and the Individual in Ancient Rome. Cornell Studies in Classical Philology. Ithaca, NY.Google Scholar
Rüpke, J. 2019. “Lived Ancient Religions.” In Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Religion. https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780199340378.013.633.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Russell, A. and Hellström, M. (eds.). 2020. The Social Dynamics of Roman Imperial Imagery. Cambridge.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Russell, B. 2013. The Economics of the Roman Stone Trade. Oxford Studies on the Roman Economy. Oxford.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Russell, B. 2016. “Imported Building Materials in North Africa.” In Mugnai, N., Nikolaus, J., and Roy, N. (eds.), De Africa Romaque: Merging Cultures across North Africa. London, 171–82.Google Scholar
Sahli, M. C. 1965. Décoloniser l’histoire: Introduction à l’histoire du Maghreb. Paris.Google Scholar
Saint-Amans, S. 2004. Topographie religieuse de Thugga (Dougga): Ville romaine d’Afrique proconsulaire (Tunisie). Scripta antiqua. Pessac.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Saint-Amans, S. and Sebaï, M. 2011. “Genius en Afrique romaine: Dossiers iconographiques et épigraphiques. Nouvelles observations sur la représentation et la définition d’une divinité romain.” In Ben Abid, L. (ed.), Iconographie et religions dans le Maghreb antique et médiéval. Tunis, 165–84.Google Scholar
Salama, P., Desanges, J., Lepelley, C. and Saint–Amans, S. 2010. Carte des routes et des cités de l’est de l’Africa à la fin de l’Antiquité. Turnhout.Google Scholar
Salomies, O. 2014. “Adoptive and Polyonymous Nomenclature in the Roman Empire: Some Addenda.” In Caldelli, M. and Gregori, G. L. (eds.), Epigrafia e ordine senatorio, 30 anni dopo. Rome, 511–36.Google Scholar
Sanmartí, J., Kallala, N., and Jornet, R. 2015. “Roman Dolmens? The Megalithic Necropoleis of the Eastern Maghreb Revisited.” In Diaz-Guardamino, M., Wheatley, D., and Sanjuan, L. G. (eds.), The Lives of Prehistoric Monuments in Iron Age, Roman and Medieval Europe. Oxford, 287–306.Google Scholar
Saumagne, C. 1922. “Notes sur les découvertes de Salammbo.” Revue Tunisienne 29, 231–51.Google Scholar
Saumagne, C. 1924. “Notes de topographie carthaginoise: La colline de Saint-Louis.” BAC 1924, 177–93.Google Scholar
Scheid, J. 1990. Romulus et ses frères: Le Collége des frères arvales, modèle du culte public dans la Rome des empereurs. Bibliothéque des écoles françaises d’Athènes et de Rome. Rome.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Scheid, J. 1995. “Graeco Ritu: A Typically Roman Way of Honoring the Gods.” HSCP 97, 15–31.Google Scholar
Scheper-Hughes, N. 1992. Death without Weeping: The Violence of Everyday Life in Brazil. Berkeley, CA.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Schmidt-Colinet, A. 2009. “‘Musterücher’ statt ‘Meisterforschung’: Zum Verständnis antiker Werkstattstrukturen und Produktionsprozesse.” JRA 22, 787–97.Google Scholar
Schneider, T. D. and Hayes, K. 2020. “Epistemic Colonialism: Is it Possible to Decolonize Archaeology?” American Indian Quarterly 44, 127–48.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Schörner, G. 2007a. “New Images for Old Rituals: Stelae of Saturn and Personal Cult in Roman North Africa.” In Croxford, B., Ray, N., Roth, R., and White, N. (eds.), TRAC 2006: Proceedings of the Sixteenth Annual Theoretical Roman Archaeology Conference. Oxford, 92–102.Google Scholar
Schörner, G. 2007b. “Von der Initiation zum Familienritual: Der Saturnkult als Gruppenreligion.” In Rüpke, J. (ed.), Gruppenreligionen im römischen Reich. Tubingen 181–201.Google Scholar
Schörner, G. 2009. “Bild und Vorbild: Nordafrika–Rom–Kleinasien.” In Cancik, H. and Rüpke, J. (eds.), Die Religion des Imperium Romanum: Koine und Konfrontationen. Tubingen 249–71.Google Scholar
Schraudolph, E. 1993. Römische Götterweihungen mit Reliefschmuck aus Italien: Altäre, Basen und Reliefs. Heidelberg.Google Scholar
Schröder, P. 1869. Die phönizische Sprache: Entwurf einer Grammatik nebst Sprach-und Schriftproben. Mit einem Anhang, enthaltend eine Erklärung der punischen Stellen im Pönulus des Plautus. Halle.Google Scholar
Schwartz, J. H., Houghton, F. D., Bondioli, L., and Macchiarelli, R. 2012. “Bones, Teeth, and Estimating Age of Perinates: Carthaginian Infant Sacrifice Revisited.” Antiquity 86, 738–45.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Schwartz, J. H., Houghton, F. D., Bondioli, L., and Macchiarelli, R. 2017. “Two Tales of One City: Data, Inference and Carthaginian Infant Sacrifice.” Antiquity 91, 442–54.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Schwartz, J. H., Houghton, F. D., Macchiarelli, R., and Bondioli, L. 2010. “Skeletal Remains from Punic Carthage Do Not Support Systematic Sacrifice of Infants.” PLoS ONE 5, e9177.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Sebaï, M. 2005. “La romanisation en Afrique, retour sur un débat. La résistance africaine: Une approche libératrice?” Afrique & Histoire 3, 39–56.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Sebaï, M. 2010a. “La construction d’un mythe contemporain: Les temples ‘sémitiques’ d’Afrique romaine.” Anabases 11, 165–79.Google Scholar
Sebaï, M. 2010b. “Sacerdos intravit sub iugum: Étude sur le rituel dans le culte de Saturne en Afrique romaine.” Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz 21, 269–84.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Shanker, M. 2009. “‘Phanebalus’ and the Evidence of the Worship of the Goddess Tant in Israel [in Hebrew].” In Geiger, J., Cotton, H., and Stie, G. (eds.), Israel’s Land: Papers Presented to Israel Shatzman on His Jubilee. Raanana, 229–48.Google Scholar
Shaw, B. D. 2011. Sacred Violence: African Christians and Sectarian Hatred in the Age of Augustine. Cambridge.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Shaw, B. D. 2014. “Who Are You? Africa and Africans.” In McInerney, J. (ed.), A Companion to Ethnicity in the Ancient Mediterranean. Oxford, 527–40.Google Scholar
Shaw, B. D. and Letterney, M. 2021. “Iunius Saturninus: A New African Centenarian.” ZPE 220, 306–10.Google Scholar
Shennan, S. 1993. “After Social Evolution: A New Archaeological Agenda?” In Yoffee, N. and Sherratt, S. (eds.), Archaeological Theory: Who Sets the Agenda? Cambridge, 53–9.Google Scholar
Sichet, S. 2000. La magie en Afrique du Nord sous l’Empire Romain. Unpublished PhD thesis. Université de Nantes.Google Scholar
Simonetti, A. 1983. “Sacrifici umani e uccisioni rituali nel mondo fenicio–punico: Il contributo delle fonti letterarie.” RStFen 11, 91–111.Google Scholar
Smith, P., Avishai, G., Greene, J. A., and Stager, L. E. 2011. “Aging Cremated Infants: The Problem of Sacrifice at the Tophet of Carthage.” Antiquity 85, 859–74.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Smith, P., Stager, L. E., Greene, J. A., and Avishai, G. 2013. “Cemetery or Sacrifice? Infant Burials at the Carthage Tophet: Age Estimations Attest to Infant Sacrifice at the Carthage Tophet.” Antiquity 87, 1191–9.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Snijder, G. A. S. 1928. “Ein römischer Mädenchenkopf aus Ägypten.” In Antike Plastik: Walther Amelung zum 60. Geburtstag. Berlin, 239–44.Google Scholar
Sokolowski, F. 1955. Lois sacrées de l’Asie Mineure. École française d’Athènes: Travaux et mémoires. Paris.Google Scholar
Sokolowski, F. 1962. Lois sacrées des cités grecques. Supplément. École française d’Athènes: Travaux et mémoires. Paris.Google Scholar
Sokolowski, F. 1969. Lois sacrées des cités grecques. École française d’Athènes: Travaux et mémoires. Paris.Google Scholar
Sommer, M. 2013. “Glocalising an Empire: Rome in the 3rd Century AD.” In De Angelis, F. (ed.), Regionalism and Globalism in Antiquity. Leuven, 341–52.Google Scholar
Sommerstein, A. and Fletcher, J. (eds.). 2007. Horkos: The Oath in Greek Society. Exeter.Google Scholar
Soren, D., Ben Khader, A. B. A., and Slim, H. 1990. Carthage: Uncovering the Mysteries and Splendors of Ancient Tunisia. New York.Google Scholar
Stager, L. E. and Wolff, S. R. 1984. “Child Sacrifice at Carthage: Religious Rite or Population Control.” Biblical Archaeology Review 10, 30–51.Google Scholar
Stavrakopoulou, F. 2004. King Manasseh and Child Sacrifice: Biblical Distortions of Historical Realities. Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft. Berlin.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Stern, E. 2007. “Votive Figurines from the Beersheba Area.” In Bickel, S., Schroer, S., Schurte, R., and Uehlinger, C. (eds.), Images as Sources: Studies on Ancient Near Eastern Artefacts and the Bible Inspired by the Work of Othmar Keel. Zurich, 321–8.Google Scholar
Stiglitz, A. 1999. “Il ‘segno di Tanit’ in Sardegna: Contributo al catalogo.” Quaderni della Soprintendenza Archeologica per le Province di Cagliari e Oristano 16, 99–105.Google Scholar
Stone, D. 2004. “Problems and Possibilities in Comparative Survey: A North African Perspective.” In Alcock, S. and Cherry, J. (eds.), Side-by-Side Survey: Comparative Regional Studies in the Mediterranean World. Oxford, 132–45.Google Scholar
Stone, D. 2007. “Burial, Identity and Local Culture in North Africa.” In van Dommelen, P. and Terrenato, N. (eds.), Articulating Local Cultures: Power and Identity under the Expanding Roman Republic. Portsmouth, RI, 126–44.Google Scholar
Stone, D. and Stirling, L. (eds.). 2007. Mortuary Landscapes of North Africa. Toronto.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Stuart Jones, H. 1912 . A Catalogue of the Ancient Sculptures Preserved in the Municipal Collections of Rome. Vol. I: The Sculptures of the Museo Capitolino. Rome.Google Scholar
Sznycer, M. 1975. “L’assemblée du peuple dans les cités puniques d’après les témoignages épigraphiques.” Semitica 25, 47–68.Google Scholar
Taborelli, L. B. 1983. “Il tofet di Sabratha.” In Atti del I Congresso Internazionale di Studi Fenici e Punici. Rome, 543–7.Google Scholar
Taborelli, L. B. 1992. L’area sacra di Ras Almunfakh presso di Sabratha: le stele. Rome.Google Scholar
Tanner, J. 2000. “Portraits, Power, and Patronage in the Late Roman Republic.” JRS 90, 18–50.Google Scholar
Taverniers, B. 2004. “The Chapelle Cintas: A Child Sacrifice and an Eighth Century Grave in Carthage. An Argumentation on the Basis of a Comparison of Phoenician Archaic Necropoleis and Tophets.” Ghent Archaeological Studies 1, 115–28.Google Scholar
Teutsch, L. 1962. Das romische Stadtewesen in Nordafrika in der Zeit von C. Gracchus bis zum Tode des Kaisers Augustus. Berlin.Google Scholar
Thebert, Y. 1978. “Romanisation et déromanisation en Afrique: Histoire décolonisée ou histoire inversée?” AnnÉconSocCiv 33, 64–82.Google Scholar
Tomber, R. 1987. “Evidence for Long-Distance Commerce: Imported Bricks and Tiles at Carthage.” RCRFActa 25–6, 161–74.Google Scholar
Tore, G. 1997. “Su una stele punica: Considerazioni sul cosidetto ‘segno di Tanit’ in Sardegna.” In Acquaro, E. (ed.), Alle soglie della classicità: Il Mediterraneo tra tradizione e innovazione. Pisa, 957–83.Google Scholar
Toubal, A. 1995. “Les mines et carrières en Numidie: Exploitations antiques.” In Trousset, P. (ed.), L’Afrique du Nord antique et médiévale: Productions et exportations africaines. Actualités archéologiques. Actes du VIe colloque d’Histoire et d’Archéologie de l’Afrique. Paris, 57–63.Google Scholar
Toutain, J. 1892a. “Le sanctuaire de Saturnus Balcaranensis au Dj. bou Kournein.” MEFRA 12, 3–124.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Tusa, V. 1976. “Segni di Tanit a Selinunte.” In Blanco, A. (ed.), Homenaje a Garcia Bellido 2. Madrid, 29–35.Google Scholar
Uberti, M. L. 1990. “Le stele votivi di Mozia e Lilibeo.” In Pisano, G. (ed.), Da Mozia a Marsala. Rome, 109–14.Google Scholar
Valenzuela Lamas, S. 2016. “Alimentation et élevage à partir des restes fauniques.” In Kallala, N., Sanmartí, J., and Belarte, M. Carme (eds.), Althiburos II. L’aire du capitole et la nécropole méridionale: Études. Tarragona, 421–48.Google Scholar
Van Andringa, W. 1999. “Prêtrises et cités dans les Trois Gaules et les Germanies au Haut Empire.” In Dondin-Payre, M. and Raepsaet-Charlier, M. T. (eds.), Cités, municipes, colonies: Les processus de municipalisation en Gaule et en Germanie sous le Haut Empire romain. Paris, 425–46.Google Scholar
Van Dommelen, P. 1998. On Colonial Grounds: A Comparative Study of Colonialism and Rural Settlement in First Millenium BC West Central Sardinia. Leiden.Google Scholar
Van Oyen, A. 2016a. “Historicising Material Agency: From Relations to Relational Constellations.” Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 23, 354–78.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Van Oyen, A. 2016b. How Things Make History: The Roman Empire and Its Terra Sigillata Pottery. Amsterdam.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Van Oyen, A. and Pitts, M. (eds.). 2017. Materialising Roman Histories. Oxford.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Varner, E. R. 1990. “Two Portrait Stelae and the Romanization of North Africa.” YaleBull 1990, 10–19.Google Scholar
Vassel, E. 1910. “Les deux inscriptions puniques de Tanesmat.” Revue Tunisienne 1910, 3–19.Google Scholar
Veale, S. 2017. “Defixiones and the Temple Locus: The Power of Place in the Curse Tablets at Mainz.” Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 12, 279–313.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Vella, N. 1998. Ritual, Landscape, and Territory: Phoenician and Punic Non-funerary Religious Sites in the Mediterranean. An Analysis of the Archaeological Evidence. Unpublished PhD thesis. University of Bristol.Google Scholar
Vella, N. 2013. “Vases, Bones and Two Phoenician inscriptions: An Assessment of a Discovery Made in Malta in 1816.” In Loretz, O., Ribichini, S., Watson, W. E., and Zamora, J. Á. (eds.), Ritual, Religion and Reason: Studies in the Ancient World. Munster, 589–605.Google Scholar
Verhelst, N. 2021. “The Carthaginian Sufetes: (Re-)assessing the Literary, Epigraphical, and Archaeological Sources.” Carthage Studies 12, 31–80.Google Scholar
Vermeule, C. C. 1976. Sculpture in Stone: The Greek, Roman and Etruscan Collections of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Boston, MA.Google Scholar
Versluys, M. J. 2014. “Understanding Objects in Motion: An Archaeological Dialogue on Romanization.” Archaeological Dialogues 21, 1–20.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Versluys, M. J. and Woolf, G. 2021. “Artefacts and Their Humans: Materialising the History of Religion in the Roman World.” In Rüpke, J. and Woolf, G. (eds.), Religion in the Roman Empire. Stuttgart, 210–33.Google Scholar
Versnel, H. S. 2011. Coping with the Gods: Wayward Readings in Greek Theology. Leiden.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Villaret, A. 2019. Les dieux augustes dans l’Occident romain: Un phénomène d’acculturation. Bordeaux.Google Scholar
Vivanet, F. 1891. “Nora. Scavi nella necropoli dell’antica Nora nel comune di Pula.” NSc 1891, 299–302.Google Scholar
Von den Driesch, A. 1976. Guide to the Measurement of Animal Bones from Archaeological Sites. Cambridge, MA.Google Scholar
Webster, J. 1995. “Interpretatio: Roman Word Power and the Celtic Gods.” Britannia 26, 153–61.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Webster, J. 1997. “Necessary Comparisons: A Post-Colonial Approach to Religious Syncretism in the Roman Provinces.” WorldArch 28, 324–38.Google Scholar
Welch, K. E. 2007. The Roman Amphitheatre: From Its Origins to the Colosseum. Cambridge.Google Scholar
Whitmarsh, T. 2010. Local Knowledge and Microidentities in the Imperial Greek World. Greek Culture in the Roman World. Oxford.Google Scholar
Whittaker, C. R. 2009. “Ethnic Discourses on the Frontiers of Roman Africa.” In Derks, T. and Roymans, N. (eds.), Ethnic Constructs in Antiquity. Amsterdam, 189–206.Google Scholar
Wilson, A. 2001. “Review of M. de Vos (ed.), Rus Africum: Terra acqua olio nell’Africa settentrionale.” LibSt 32, 186–8.Google Scholar
Wilson, A. 2005. “Romanizing Baal: The Art of Saturn Worship in North Africa.” In Sanader, M. (ed.), Proceedings of the 8th International Colloquium on Problems of Roman Provincial Art. Zagreb, 403–8.Google Scholar
Wilson, A. 2015. “Neo-Punic and Latin Inscriptions in Roman North Africa: Function and Display.” In Mullen, A. and James, P. (eds.), Multilingualism in the Graeco-Roman World. Cambridge, 265–316.Google Scholar
Witmore, C. L. 2007. “Symmetrical Archaeology: Excerpts of a Manifesto.” WorldArch 39, 546–62.Google Scholar
Wolff, S. R., Stern, I., and Erlich, A. 2018. “A Newly Discovered Tanit Pendant from Maresha.” RStFen 46, 29–42.Google Scholar
Wood, S. 1999. Imperial Women: A Study in Public Images, 40 B.C.–A.D. 68. Mnemosyne, Bibliotheca Classica Batava Supplementum. Leiden.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Woolf, G. 2014. “Romanization 2.0 and Its Alternatives.” Archaeological Dialogues 21, 45–50.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wrede, H. 1975. “Lunulae im Halsschmuck.” In Homann-Wedeking, E. (ed.), Wandlungen: Studien zur antiken und neueren Kunst. Bayern, 243–54.Google Scholar
Xella, P. 1991. Baal Hammon: Recherches sur l’identité et l’histoire d’un dieu phénico–punique. Collezione di studi fenici. Rome.Google Scholar
Xella, P. 2007. “Eshmounazor, áhōros? ʿzrm en phénicien et punique.” Orientalia 76, 93–9.Google Scholar
Xella, P. 2019. “Religion.” In López-Ruiz, C and Doak, B. (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of the Phoenician and Punic Mediterranean. Oxford, 272–92.Google Scholar
Xella, P. 2021a. “Baal Hammon.” In Niehr, H. and Xella, P. (eds.), Encyclopaedic Dictionary of Phoenician Culture II. 1: Religion – Deities and Mythical Characters. Leuven, 36–45.Google Scholar
Xella, P. 2021b. “KBL ‘boiteux,’ ‘paralytique,’ dans les inscriptions des tophets puniques.” Semitica et Classica 14, 233–9.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Xella, P. 2023. “The Levantine Roots of the Tophet Sanctuary.” Journal of Ancient History 11, 291–303.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Xella, P. and Tahar, M. 2014. “Inscriptions punique et néopunique d’Althiburos.” RStFen 42, 123–6.Google Scholar
Younès, A. 2017. “Geoarchaeological Study of Ancient Quarries of Thugga.” Marmora 13, 97–110.Google Scholar
Zamora Lopez, J. A. and Amadasi Guzzo, M. G. 2013. “The Epigraphy of the Tophet.” SEL 29–30, 159–92.Google Scholar
Zanker, P. 1988. The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus. Jerome Lectures. Ann Arbor, MI.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Zimmer, G. and Wesch-Klein, G. 1989. Locus datus decreto decurionum: Zur Statuenaufstellung zweier Forumsanlagen im römischen Afrika. Munich.Google Scholar
Zucca, R. 1996. “Inscriptiones latinae liberae rei publicae Africae, Sardiniae et Corsicae.” AfrRom 11, 1425–89.Google Scholar
Zucca, R. 2004. Sufetes Africae et Sardiniae: Studi storici e geografici sul Mediterraneo antico. Rome.Google Scholar