Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- List of Figures and Tables
- Notes on Contributors
- In Memoriam
- List of Abbreviations
- 1 Language Change and Diversity at the Crossroads of Historical Linguistics, Language Documentation, and Linguistic Typology
- 2 Using the Acoustic Correlates of Voice Quality as Explanations for the Changes in the Descriptions of Xinkan Glottalized Consonants
- 3 Variation and Change in the Distribution of *-(V)n and *-(V)w in Kaqchikel
- 4 Origins of Metathesis in Batsbi, Part II: Intransitive Verbs
- 5 Some Remarks on Etymological Opacity in Austronesian Languages
- 6 The Relationship between Aquitanian and Basque: Achievements and Challenges of the Comparative Method in a Context of Poor Documentation
- 7 Evidence, New and Old, Against the Late *k(’) > *ch(’) Areal Shift Hypothesis
- 8 Are All Language Isolates Equal? The Case of Mapudungun
- 9 The Historical Linguistics and Archaeology of Ancient North America: “A Linguistic Look” at the Hopewell
- 10 The Lenguas de Bolivia Project: Background and Further Prospects
- 11 The Typology of Grammatical Relations in Tuparian Languages with Special Focus on Akuntsú
- 12 Meskwaki (Algonquian) Evidence against Basic Word Order and Configurational Models of Argument Roles
- 13 The Syntax of Alignment: An Emergentist Typology
- Subject and Scholar Index
- Languages and Linguistic Families Index
7 - Evidence, New and Old, Against the Late *k(’) > *ch(’) Areal Shift Hypothesis
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 November 2024
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- List of Figures and Tables
- Notes on Contributors
- In Memoriam
- List of Abbreviations
- 1 Language Change and Diversity at the Crossroads of Historical Linguistics, Language Documentation, and Linguistic Typology
- 2 Using the Acoustic Correlates of Voice Quality as Explanations for the Changes in the Descriptions of Xinkan Glottalized Consonants
- 3 Variation and Change in the Distribution of *-(V)n and *-(V)w in Kaqchikel
- 4 Origins of Metathesis in Batsbi, Part II: Intransitive Verbs
- 5 Some Remarks on Etymological Opacity in Austronesian Languages
- 6 The Relationship between Aquitanian and Basque: Achievements and Challenges of the Comparative Method in a Context of Poor Documentation
- 7 Evidence, New and Old, Against the Late *k(’) > *ch(’) Areal Shift Hypothesis
- 8 Are All Language Isolates Equal? The Case of Mapudungun
- 9 The Historical Linguistics and Archaeology of Ancient North America: “A Linguistic Look” at the Hopewell
- 10 The Lenguas de Bolivia Project: Background and Further Prospects
- 11 The Typology of Grammatical Relations in Tuparian Languages with Special Focus on Akuntsú
- 12 Meskwaki (Algonquian) Evidence against Basic Word Order and Configurational Models of Argument Roles
- 13 The Syntax of Alignment: An Emergentist Typology
- Subject and Scholar Index
- Languages and Linguistic Families Index
Summary
Introduction
This chaper deals with two topics that have been amply researched by Lyle Campbell: the application of philology to address matters of interest in the historical linguistics of American Indian languages, including Mayan hieroglyphic writing (Campbell 1984, 1990); and the scrutiny of loanwords in order to assess relative chronologies of culture historical and linguistic developments, including evidence of past contacts between different ethnolinguistic groups (Campbell 1970, 1972, 1986, 2000; Campbell and Kaufman 1976; Justeson et al. 1985). More specifically, this chapter addresses the question of the *k(’) > *ch(’) shift in the Mayan languages, focusing on the problem of its chronology and attestations in Epigraphic Mayan, and the nature of scribal practices and their connection to linguistic ideologies.
This question has recently resurfaced: Law et al. (2014) have put forth a proposal for a late application of this shift among already differentiated Ch’olan and Tzeltalan languages, which they argue is attested in real time primarily from the beginning of Late Classic (600–900 ce) period. Their proposal would revise the previous model, based on both comparative linguistic and epigraphic evidence, that called for the application of the shift among speakers of a largely undifferentiated community of Greater Tzeltalan speakers, by the first half of the Late Preclassic (400 bce–250 ce) period, possibly by c.200–100 bce (Kaufman 1976; Kaufman and Norman 1984; Justeson et al. 1985; Justeson and Fox 1989; Kaufman and Justeson 2007), and more conservatively no later than c. 250-400 ce, roughly corresponding to the first half of the Early Classic period (c.200-600 ce), when spellings of ka-ka-wa for proto-Ch’olan (pCh’) *käkäw “cacao,” a loanword from Mixe-Zoquean, are first attested. That etymon presents the right conditions to have experienced the shift, and yet, as Campbell (2000: 5) has noted, it did not, demonstrating that the shift must have occurred prior to its earliest occurrences. Law et al.'s (2014) proposal would revise the timing of shift to between c.600 and 900 ce, and would require that we accept that scribes ignored three phonemic contrasts (*q vs. *k, *q’ vs. *k, and *nh vs. n).
This chapter assesses and critiques Law et al.'s (2014) proposal.
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- Information
- Language Change and Linguistic DiversityStudies in Honour of Lyle Campbell, pp. 130 - 163Publisher: Edinburgh University PressPrint publication year: 2022