Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Preface to the Second Edition
- Preface
- Acknowledgements
- Introduction: Suharto’s Foreign Policy
- 1 Determinants of Indonesia’s Foreign Policy: In Search of an Explanation
- 2 Indonesia’s Foreign Policy before the New Order: In Search of a Format
- 3 Indonesia’s Foreign Policy during the “New Order” (I): The Rise of the Military
- 4 Indonesia’s Foreign Policy during the “New Order” (II): The Assertive Role of the President
- 5 Indonesia’s Relations with the ASEAN States: Regional Stability and Leadership Role
- 6 Indonesia’s Relations with Australia and Papua New Guinea: Security and Cultural Issues
- 7 Indonesia-China Relations: Ideology, Ethnic Chinese and the President
- 8 Indonesia-Vietnam Relations and the Kampuchean Issue: The Security Factor
- 9 Indonesia-Superpower Relations: Economic and Non-Economic Factors
- 10 Indonesia, the Middle East and Bosnia: Islam and Foreign Policy
- 11 Indonesia, the Non-Aligned Movement and APEC: In Search of a Leadership Role
- Conclusion: To Lead and Not to Be Led
- Postscript: Indonesia’s Foreign Policy from the Fall of Suharto to Joko Widodo: Still Aspiring to International Leadership?
- Bibliography
- Appendices
- Index
4 - Indonesia’s Foreign Policy during the “New Order” (II): The Assertive Role of the President
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 01 September 2023
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Preface to the Second Edition
- Preface
- Acknowledgements
- Introduction: Suharto’s Foreign Policy
- 1 Determinants of Indonesia’s Foreign Policy: In Search of an Explanation
- 2 Indonesia’s Foreign Policy before the New Order: In Search of a Format
- 3 Indonesia’s Foreign Policy during the “New Order” (I): The Rise of the Military
- 4 Indonesia’s Foreign Policy during the “New Order” (II): The Assertive Role of the President
- 5 Indonesia’s Relations with the ASEAN States: Regional Stability and Leadership Role
- 6 Indonesia’s Relations with Australia and Papua New Guinea: Security and Cultural Issues
- 7 Indonesia-China Relations: Ideology, Ethnic Chinese and the President
- 8 Indonesia-Vietnam Relations and the Kampuchean Issue: The Security Factor
- 9 Indonesia-Superpower Relations: Economic and Non-Economic Factors
- 10 Indonesia, the Middle East and Bosnia: Islam and Foreign Policy
- 11 Indonesia, the Non-Aligned Movement and APEC: In Search of a Leadership Role
- Conclusion: To Lead and Not to Be Led
- Postscript: Indonesia’s Foreign Policy from the Fall of Suharto to Joko Widodo: Still Aspiring to International Leadership?
- Bibliography
- Appendices
- Index
Summary
Introduction
The previous chapter considered the role of the military in Indonesia’s foreign policy. It showed that initially the President was passive with respect to foreign policy matters. After the 1982 general election, however, Suharto became more active in foreign policy-making as he was interested in projecting a higher foreign policy profile for Indonesia. This chapter focuses on the assertive role of Suharto after the 1983 presidential election. Some examples will be provided, but the main focus will be on the East Timor issue, including the Dili Affair, in which Suharto has played a decisive role.
Suharto and a Higher Foreign Policy Profile
After the 1982 general election, Suharto became more confident. Golkar had scored a landslide victory in the election and, unlike the previous general election, there had been no violence or student demonstrations prior to the polling, signifying that there was no longer any opposition. During the 1983 presidential election, Suharto was nominated by the three parties (Golkar, PPP and PDI) as the only candidate for the presidency. In the previous presidential election, the PPP had only agreed to nominate Suharto at the last minute. In the 1980s also, the East Timor problem was under control. Suharto might have thought that it was time for Indonesia to play an active role again in foreign affairs. Indeed, a number of events from 1984 onwards demonstrate this trend.
The Thirtieth Anniversary of the Afro-Asian Conference
In 1985, Indonesia decided to host the thirtieth anniversary celebration of the Afro-Asian conference in Bandung. About one hundred Afro-Asian states were invited (including the PRC). At the meeting, however, the participants were not able to agree on any major international issues. As a result, no resolution was issued. Some commentators have argued that it was a non-event. From the Indonesian point of view, this was the first step for Indonesia in becoming active again in the international arena.
Chairman of the Non-Aligned Movement and APEC Summit
In 1987, President Suharto sent his Vice-President, Umar Wirahadikusumah, to attend the Non-Aligned conference in Zimbabwe, Africa. Umar was instructed to express Indonesia’s desire to be the chairman of the next Non-Aligned conference. The offer was turned down. Apparently, the Non-Aligned Movement, which was dominated by pro-Soviet states, did not agree to Indonesia’s leadership.
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- Indonesia's Foreign Policy under SuhartoAspiring to International Leadership, pp. 50 - 65Publisher: ISEAS–Yusof Ishak InstituteFirst published in: 2023