Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 June 2012
It should be apparent by now that the kinds of interaction occurring between Tukanoans and Makú and the categorizations each group makes of the other are very important components of identity. In this chapter, I will deal far more with Tukanoan perceptions of Makú than vice versa, however, because I had very little direct contact with Makú.
Tukanoans stand in a superordinate position to Makú and use the differences between their respective subsistence modes, principles of social structure, and other areas of culture to explain and justify these claims of superiority. Tukanoans are more sedentary than Makú, practice more horticulture, and are more oriented toward the rivers and fishing. These are observable differences; when asked to make comparisons, Tukanoans will also list others, which are more open to question. It should be noted at the outset that although Tukanoans will usually describe differences between themselves and Makú in terms of absolutes, in most of the areas of differentiation (for example, horticultural practices, mobility, property owning, or use of hunted and gathered food), the contrasts are ones of degree rather than category.
The image each group holds of the other embodies key elements of its general conceptualization of the world and humanity. These characteristics at times vary from the flesh-and-blood reality of the other group, and we shall see that they are systematic and meaningful discrepancies.
My own contacts with Makú were infrequent and superficial.
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