Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- List of Tables
- List of Figures
- List of Illustrations
- Acknowledgements
- Contributors and Editors
- Part I Foreword
- Part II Introduction
- Part III Encouraging Signs
- 4 Myanmar's Parliament: From Scorn to Significance
- 5 Village Networks, Land Law, and Myanmar's Democratization
- 6 From Exile to Elections
- 7 Sidelined or Reinventing Themselves? Exiled Activists in Myanmar's Political Reforms
- 8 Understanding Recent Labour Protests in Myanmar
- Part IV Anticipating Reforms
- Part V Enduring Concerns
- Part VI Conclusion
- List of Abbreviations
- Index
8 - Understanding Recent Labour Protests in Myanmar
from Part III - Encouraging Signs
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 October 2015
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- List of Tables
- List of Figures
- List of Illustrations
- Acknowledgements
- Contributors and Editors
- Part I Foreword
- Part II Introduction
- Part III Encouraging Signs
- 4 Myanmar's Parliament: From Scorn to Significance
- 5 Village Networks, Land Law, and Myanmar's Democratization
- 6 From Exile to Elections
- 7 Sidelined or Reinventing Themselves? Exiled Activists in Myanmar's Political Reforms
- 8 Understanding Recent Labour Protests in Myanmar
- Part IV Anticipating Reforms
- Part V Enduring Concerns
- Part VI Conclusion
- List of Abbreviations
- Index
Summary
When the subject of workers and the labour movement in Myanmar is discussed, it has been widely assumed that the labour movement became (and remained) very weak after the 1962 military putsch. Before that, under the leadership of political parties during the parliamentary period from January 1948 to March 1962, the labour movement had been very active and quite militant, and workers were incorporated into party politics by politicians. When the military took political power in 1962, all independent workers’ movements were curtailed. Instead, the state incorporated workers into the party-state structure, under an institution called the People's Workers’ Council (later known as the Workers’ Association), and limited their political freedom.
After the military putsch in 1988, in contrast, the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) and the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) governments excluded the labour movement from political participation and collective bargaining, and subjected it to repressive measures. Workers held very few strikes in industrial factories but were unprotected and suffered retaliation by the SLORC/SPDC government.
This scenario changed suddenly when, in March 2011, the SLORC/SPDC government handed over political power to a new military-dominated civilian government under President Thein Sein. Upon taking office in March 2011, the president initiated a series of reforms that widened the current political space and allowed many people to enjoy a degree of political freedom that the country had not seen since 1962. In doing so, the Thein Sein government surprised many people both inside and outside the country.
The reform process seemed slow at first, but the pace of reform quickened in 2012. Hundreds of political prisoners were released, in three groups (BBC 2011; Nelson and MacKinnon 2012). Controls on trade unions were relaxed, and censorship of the press was formally abolished in August 2012 (Nelson 2012). Moreover, the parliaments passed a number of new laws, including a law under which peaceful public protests and demonstrations were to be allowed (Win Ko Ko Latt and Ei Ei Toe Lwin 2012).
(Some commentators interpret these reforms as an attempt on the part of the former military generals to avoid huge public protests, like the “Arab spring”, in Myanmar. Whatever the reasons behind the changes, it has to be agreed that since 2011 the Myanmar government has undertaken many positive reforms.)
- Type
- Chapter
- Information
- Debating Democratization in Myanmar , pp. 137 - 156Publisher: ISEAS–Yusof Ishak InstitutePrint publication year: 2014