Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- List of Maps
- Acknowledgements
- List of Abbreviations
- Map 1
- Map 2
- Map 3
- Map 4
- Introduction
- Part I
- Part II
- 6 Military Service, Careerism and Crusade
- 7 ‘All are truly blessed who are martyred in battle’: Crusading and Salvation
- 8 Chivalry, Literature and Political Culture
- 9 The Chivalric Nation and Images of the Crusader King
- Conclusion
- Appendix: Register of English Crusaders c.1307–1399
- Select Bibliography
- Index
- Warfare in History
7 - ‘All are truly blessed who are martyred in battle’: Crusading and Salvation
from Part II
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 May 2013
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- List of Maps
- Acknowledgements
- List of Abbreviations
- Map 1
- Map 2
- Map 3
- Map 4
- Introduction
- Part I
- Part II
- 6 Military Service, Careerism and Crusade
- 7 ‘All are truly blessed who are martyred in battle’: Crusading and Salvation
- 8 Chivalry, Literature and Political Culture
- 9 The Chivalric Nation and Images of the Crusader King
- Conclusion
- Appendix: Register of English Crusaders c.1307–1399
- Select Bibliography
- Index
- Warfare in History
Summary
While the competitive pressures of military society provided the platform for material action, and urged would-be crusaders on, a range of other incentives retained important dynamic force. Predictably, church sources formed an unequivocal view of crusader motivation and ethos, identifying exceptional piety as the primary characteristic in military recruitment. Papal letters described crusader devotion in visceral terms: men's bodies were aflame with fervour; hearts fell sick at the gathering forces of paganism; compassion for the Redeemer and love of the church flooded mentalities. Urban V referred to the mood descended upon English crusaders in 1364 as cruciatum mentis, an agonised state of mind, or possibly a serene state of devotion. At the curia such sentiment was more or less automatic. Of course, there was another view. Surveying the ranks gathered at Rhodes for Peter of Cyprus's crusade, Philippe de Mézières diagnosed only vanity, avarice and guile. (Writing after the sack of Alexandria, Mézières wanted to denigrate the crusade's western element.) Outwardly, in crusade armies there may have been diminishing emphasis upon formal religion and piety. The sumptuary legislation and other devotional regulations of twelfth- and thirteenth-century crusades, for example, appear to have fallen out of favour in the later period. Requirements of sober dress, abstinence and religious observance that made a show of penitential purpose in the crusade bulls of Eugenius III, Innocent III and Gregory X are generally missing in fourteenth-century crusade bulls, and the leadership of churchmen in the hethenesse appears increasingly marginal, though numerous lesser clergy accompanied baronial households on campaign.
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- Chivalry, Kingship and CrusadeThe English Experience in the Fourteenth Century, pp. 144 - 158Publisher: Boydell & BrewerPrint publication year: 2013