Una de las características de los países de reducido ingreso real percapita es la alta proporción de la fuerza de trabajo ocupada en las actividades de tipo primario, la muy reducida proporción de ocupación en el sector industrial y la baja participación del empleo correspondiente a los servicios. En relación con esta mencionada característica varios economistas han puesto de manifiesto la marcada correlación estadística existente entre la distribución ocupacional y el desarrollo económico. Entre ellos se destacan Colin Clark, A. G. B. Fisher y Jean Fourastie, quienes han sostenido la tesis de que cuando la economía de un país pasa de la primitiva etapa agraria a un estadio urbano-industrial, la estructura del empleo sufre un cambio característico: la fuerza laboral pasa primero de las actividades primarias a las secundarias, y en una etapa posterior a las actividades de tipo terciario.

In this concluding paragraph of a paper on Brazilian women, Blachman (1972) charts two major areas of significance to those interested in the study of women—the ideological dimension and the institutional reality. At the same time we are reminded that the link between the two, a dialectic of structures and values, may still be the most confounding and frustrating obstacle to an analysis of women in society and, for our interests here, women in politics. (For an excellent overview of the material on women in Latin America, see Pescatello, 1972.)

Creio na existencia de um ciclo folclórico da Guerra da Tríplice Alianga, Guerra do Paraguai ou aínda Guerra Grande (1865-1870). Ñao por haver colhido dados de campo expressamente a respeito, pois Ñao tomei essa deliberacáo durante os dois anos que vivi em Asunción (1950-1951). Mas devido às fontes bibliográficas que reúno, dia a dia. Se isoladas não são realmente expressivas, em conjunto, Ñao obstante, revelam-nos, inequívocamente, dito ciclo. Mediante o alarme déstes fatos — um simples síntoma — chamo a atenção dos estudiosos, sugerindo- Ihes a importância de urna pesquisa a fundo, não só nãs bibliotecas como entre informantes.

The growing frequency of conflicts in the Caribbean and Central America reveals some new and significant aspects of the old problem of intervention. Failure to recognize these new and significant aspects accounts for much of the confusion evident at the Meeting of Consultation of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the American States held at Santiago de Chile, in 1959.

A number of strains have been placed upon the principle of nonintervention and it is important at the outset to note the forces behind them. Two developments which have been proceeding in opposite directions are basic here. The first of these is the mounting exactitude and breadth of the non-intervention doctrine itself. It has been applied to collective action as well as action by individual states; to indirect action such as diplomatic protests and economic pressure as well as to more direct action.

The economic history of Uruguay from the turn of the century up to the early 1950's is characterized by economic growth, by extensive governmental involvement in economic activity, and by an ardent secularist faith in the welfare state ideals of the great José Batlle y Ordóñez and the Batllista tradition which lived on after him. Its small size, stable democracy, and apparent aloofness from the problems of the rest of the continent have earned la Republica Oriental del Uruguay such sobriquets as the “Switzerland” or “Utopia” of South America. Beginning in the early 1950's, however, there were signs that this country which had for so long been a model laboratory for progress and reform to its crisis-ridden neighbors, was itself about to face a crisis. The economic dimension of the Uruguayan crisis is that the annual per capita gross national product (currently about 500 dollars) has not risen for over a decade, and has in fact declined slightly in the last several years.

La América Latina no sólo ha sido un laboratorio bullente en que se han producido los más complejos procesos de la sociedad humana en forma perceptible, sino que ha sido asimismo un “Continente con contenido” — como se ha dicho felizmente — en que la teoría sociológica se ha formulado, en un primer momento, en forma espontánea y tácita. En ella el estrato más profundo del alma se ha manifestado no por la razón abstracta sino a través de intuiciones, de sentimientos y de enunciación de realidades e ideales, expresados verbigracia en la novela sociológica o en el doctrinal político. A virtud de un dilatado proceso secular nuestra América ha llegado a su madurez, y el ingente drama que ha vivido y vivenciado ha contribuido a desarrollar su genio creador. El dolor es espuela de la razón.

La Revolución Mexicana como movimiento armado y como proceso políticosocial constituye un tema apasionado para los mexicanos. A escaso número de años del desarrollo de las operaciones bélicas y con la supervivencia de personajes participantes, se vuelve sumamente difícil esclarecer situaciones, uniformar opiniones y sobre todo conciliar intereses.

Sabemos perfectamente que nuestra organización políticoadministrativa actual tiene sus raíces en la Constitución proclamada bajo la egregia figura de don Venustiano Carranza en 1917 y sabemos también que en el norte la personalidad de Francisco Villa se sigue viendo con admiración y con respeto, y que en el sur, donde parece que la Revolución fué sólo una guerra fratricida sin ninguna proyección social, los campesinos que se debaten en la miseria buscan ansiosamente otro Emiliano Zapata.

Chile has a housing problem but not in the traditional sense of something to be solved. Like any other country in the throes of modernization, Chile is producing an inadequate flow of housing services for low income families. Each family participates to some extent in the available housing services, but an estimated 600,000 families are not receiving an adequate supply. This analysis is concerned with the economics of the government response to this situation from 1965 to 1969.

The focus is on the economics of housing because the basic question that the housing policy decisions taken by the government must face is the more efficient administration of the scarce resources available for the production of improved housing services. Housing is a basic social need to which limited resources must be assigned by both the public and private sectors.

“Far, far away!” For the romantic imagination of Americans living in the second decade of the nineteenth century, these words identified, from the geographical viewpoint, Spain. To the average American, indeed to all but a few, Spain was as close to a terra incognita as there could exist in the Western World, a legendary land of old castles and beautiful landscapes inhabited by lovely dark-eyed maidens, engulfed by a warm climate, religious bigotry, and ignorance. But it was “far, far away,” and to the complacent inhabitants of a new and prosperous country which was politically stable and economically secure, Spain symbolized romantic adventure.

Los estudiantes de la Universidad de la Habana, al igual que los de la mayoría de las universidades latinoamericanas, se han caracterizado por su participación en la política nacional. En la etapa independentista, a finales del siglo pasado, la Universidad de la Habana se convirtió en el centro de agitación contra España. El 27 de noviembre de 1871 la colonia ordenó el fusilamiento de ocho estudiantes de medicina acusados de haber profanado la tumba de un militar español. De las filas estudiantiles surgieron los dirigentes de la guerra de independencia. El propio José Martí, a edad muy temprana y siendo aún estudiante, comenzó a luchar por la libertad de su patria. Martí, con su prédica constante, hubo de unir a sus compatriotas conduciéndolos a la guerra emancipadora contra España.

Roberto Michels, writing in 1915, said about political parties:

This, in a nutshell, expresses his now famous “iron law of oligarchy”— the assertion that every party organization must sooner or later become dominated by a small elite of leaders who will use their power to perpetuate themselves, and will succeed in doing so even in the face of widespread opposition from the rank and file.

Michels is supported in this view by a more contemporary student of political parties, Maurice Duverger, who says that: “The leadership of parties tends naturally to assume an oligarchic form. A veritable 'ruling class’ comes into being that is more or less closed; it is an ‘inner circle’ into which it is difficult to penetrate.”

The Brazilian Negroes must be viewed in the context of Brazilian history and civilization and of the forces of social change operating throughout Brazilian society. In this article I intend to point out some of the historical factors that significantly influence the social mobility, or lack of it, of Brazilian Negroes, to analyze the present status of Negroes in Brazilian society, and to suggest some possible ways of dealing with this largely ignored, but very serious, racial situation that contains the seeds of a potential social crisis.

After the discovery of Brazil by Pedro Alvares Cabral in 1500, the Portuguese exploited its coastal territories for more than fifty years with little help other than that of the enslaved Indians.

This article is a report of a study begun in 1959 and completed in early 1962 at the State University of Iowa as a doctoral dissertation. A descriptive study, it attempted to draw in rather broad outlines the image of the United States and its people as presented in an important segment of the Mexican press1 and in opinions expressed by journalists in interviews and on questionnaires. More specifically, the study was made to determine and describe the volume and kinds of news, opinion, and pictorial material about the United States published over a randomlyselected period (January, 1960) in ten leading daily newspapers of Mexico.

Beyond this main descriptive phase, consisting of the analysis of the content of 300 separate newspaper issues, the study also had as a secondary objective the presentation of opinion about the United States given by journalists connected with the ten dailies and with a few other newspapers. This latter phase proved to be much the more interesting, and the more revealing, aspect of the study, and it is principally with this “opinion” aspect of the study that the present article deals.

Benjamín Franklin y José Martí estuvieron presentes, respectivamente, en el principio y en el término de un largo período de la vida de América. Fué el período dentro del cual se iniciaron y culminaron en gloriosas victorias los empeños enderezados a desuncir el rigor colonial de los pueblos del Nuevo Mundo transformados en naciones soberanas. Franklin nació en los albores del siglo XVIII. Martí murió en las postrimerías del XIX. Franklin y Martí fueron el primero y el último, cronológicamente, de los grandes libertadores americanos.

Desde la madurez de Franklin hasta la de Martí, y en la madurez de éste se produjo su perecimiento, a lo largo y a lo ancho del Hemisferio Occidental, desde los Estados Unidos de América hasta Cuba, con notorios anhelos de superación y liberación en el tiempo y en el espacio, se transformó todo un medio globo.

This study aims to explain the victory of Hugo Chávez and his party in the 2000 Venezuelan elections, to analyze the factors that made this victory possible, and to examine the consequences for future developments in the Venezuelan political system. The decay of traditional party loyalties without the emergence of new parties deeply rooted in society (dealignment without realignment); underdevelopment; and an institutional setting dominated by a president elected by a plurality electoral system have opened the door to personality-centered politics and weak parties, which are the main features of the current political situation. Compared to the 1993 and 1998 elections, the 2000 elections once again confirm an increase in personality politics and the decay of parties as instruments for articulating interests, representation, and governance. As a consequence, this article argues, instability is likely to remain a feature of Venezuela's party system for some time.

The European Union has developed a significant range of democracy promotion initiatives in Latin America since the 1990s. The E.U.'s approach to democracy building has been seen to possess a number of strengths relative to U.S. policy, especially in connection with grassroots developmental imperatives. European policy itself, however, has a number of limitations. It has inadequately conceptualized the linkages between economic and political dimensions; it has insufficiently recognized the potential benefits of balancing bottom-up and top-down approaches. The E.U.'s influence over Latin American governments has remained more nebulous than that of the United States. European and U.S. policies in Latin America have both rivaled and complemented each other. Understanding this might inform both actors' democracy promotion efforts in the region.