This paper is concerned with the attitudes of Latin American enterprise managers toward the role of government, as compared with that of private initiative and investment, in the economic development of the nation. Most of its data was obtained in the course of a broader investigation of managerial attitudes toward economic development, which was carried out in ten countries during the years 1959 to 1963. In addition to interviews, extensive information was obtained from informal conversations with businessmen, attendance at meetings of managerial groups, and the study of materials prepared by trade associations or individual companies.

Quando se fizer a história da literatura brasüeira de nosso tempo, que lugar ficará reservado a Tristão de Atayde? O de crítico literario? O de crítico de idéias e problemas macionais e universais? O de sociólogo, filósofo, psicólogo, economista? Ou o de doutrinador e homem de ação católico?

Ninguém, creio eu, estará disposto, hoje em dia, a negar-lhe o laurel e a palma que lhe cabem em qualquer dessas categorias ou esferas de saber. A sua fecunda e variada obra testemunhará sempre urna presença em todos os domínios do pensamento brasileiro, seja qual for o ângulo de apreciação. Mas, nos cinquenta anos laboriosos da atividade de escritor de Tristão de Atayde, não haverá aspectos mais salientes, relevantes ou expressivos?

Como se sabe, êle começou a sua carreira fazendo crítica literária pura e simplesmente, ou antes de corpo e alma, sem se embaraçar com o sentido da existência em termos religiosos ou filosóficos de cristianismo ou catolicismo.

The purpose of this article is to describe the Centro de Estudios Universitarios Colombo-Americano (CEUCA), established in Bogotá by the Great Lakes Colleges Association (GLCA) in 1964 to meet the expanding needs of inter-American education. CEUCA serves as a foreign study center for undergraduate students and as a base of operations for GLCA Faculty Researchers. Because of its structure and activities the center formed by this consortium of twelve private Liberal Arts colleges is of interest to those concerned with Latin American studies in the United States, as well as observers of the emerging relationships between North American and Latin American educational institutions. The purely private nature of this bold program holds special interest at this time when such endeavors are not usually undertaken unless backed by governments or massive foundation support.

No es fácil escribir una historia política y social del Paraguay, país de compleja psicología, pero, naturalmente, al través de un minucioso estudio, pueden quedar totalmente aclarados sus facetas ideológicas, sociales y políticas. No pueden diferir demasiado nuestros criterios si todos pensáramos ciñéndonos a la lógica. Por desgracia no es muy intensa nuestra vocación por la lógica, frente a nuestros propósitos primarios de hacer influir y pesar nuestras personas y —por otro lado— ensalzar y descabezar ídolos. La demagogia siempre ofrece una ciencia más barata pero mil veces menos real. Con todo, digamos que la historia es un edificio al que no debemos despojarle de sus cimientos, pero sí colocarla al trasluz de una especie de “Rayos X” de la historia sin tomar “caballos de batalla” demagógicos. Pensamos hacer en esta obra un enfoque imparcial y analítico sin preconceptos que nos impongan un interés político.

El Estudio de una cultura requere una atenta observación de actitudes, costumbres, giros idiomáticos, leyendas, folklore, temas novelísticos, caricaturas y tipos de chistes, modos de encarar el amor, la agresión y en general todo hecho que mantenga cierta constancia a través de las generaciones. Todo este material será de gran valor para determinar lo que se entiende como “mentalidad” (personalidad básica) de la cultura.

Partiendo del lenguaje que se habla en la Argentina podremos ver como ciertos verbos y expresiones adquieren primacia en el proceso comunicativo y como también parecerían indicar sentidos aparentemente en discordancia con la aceptación tradicional.

Deseo aclarar ante todo —para tranquilidad de mis lectores— que en ningún momento pretendo en este artículo arrastrarlos a la áspera cuesta de las definiciones. Nada más lejos de mi intención que el ensayo filosófico o la interpretación sociológica, venerables disciplinas cuya profundidad siempre me produce vértigo. Quizás sea el vértigo que sentimos ante lo desconocido, ante lo que escapa a nuestras posibilidades de captación.

Lo único que puedo prometer es intentar situarme en un ángulo objetivo. Trataré, pues, de ser lo más imparcial posible. Nada se pierde con intentarlo. Tal vez no lo consiga y esto no quede sino como una buena intención, una de esas buenas intenciones que empiedran el camino del infierno. No es fácil empresa el salirse de sí mismo. Y así, en mi condición de argentino que se refiere a sus compatriotas, a sí mismo, en una publicación de otro país, no sé hasta qué punto podré despojar a mis palabras de la impresionable subjetividad y elevarlas a la helada región de las afirmaciones impersonales. No sé incluso hasta que punto desearía hacerlo, en caso de que pudiera.

A sample of Bogotá entrepreneurs suggests that their social origins and backgrounds differ markedly from those of the general Colombian population. The entrepreneur is well-educated, urban, and comes from a predominantly middle class background, in a society that is mainly rural, has a low educational level, and an overwhelmingly large lower class.

As Weber and Tawney have pointed out, the emergence of the entrepreneur is inevitably affected by his cultural milieu. Motivations and goals making profit desirable are derived from the society which socializes him; he makes decisions which are influenced by the residues, values, and restraints which society places upon risk, risk-taking, and freedom of economic choice. The entrepreneurial role, with its behavioral expectations, occupies a status granted it by a society—a status not fully derived from the power of wealth or capital manipulation, but from traditional prestige values and traditional concepts of the “good life” and the definition of the individual's proper relationship to his society. Some societies appear to breed entrepreneurs more readily than others, and encourage their appearance through offering differential rewards and incentives.

Big Metrópole, América Do Sul é um estudo de urna metrópole que consta entre as maiores na América do Sul, e é fácilmente identificável. Foi entáo, por insistencia do autor em por énfase na universalidade dos processos que frequentemente observa no desenvolvimento rápido da urbanização, industrialização e comunicação moderna, é que foi dado o nome de Big Metrópole, América do Sul ao estudo feito sobre a cidade de Sao Paulo. É interessante notar que foi só com a urbanização, industrialização, e comunicação, moderna que Big Metrópole, América do Sul se enquandra dentro de padroes que se encontram em quase todas as novas grandes metrópoles em qualquer parte do mundo. O trabalho tambem nao tem a pretensáo de ser pioneiro no campo e o autor está cíente de trabalhos feitos com o mesmo espirito e é por causa disto que pode-se afirmar urna certa aceitagáo das hipóteses levantadas.

Cada Pueblo Tiene su perfil, y la historia se ha venido forjando en el devenir permanente y en la lucha incesante, cuando determinados caracteres han tratado de predominar en el conglomerado humano.

Los estadios culturales que, según Spengler, van de oriente a occidente, han entrañado el predominio de formas estéticas, políticas, jurídicas o militares en un momento dado. Pero esta hegemonía ha sido hacia afuera, manteniendo una coordinación hacia adentro, pues, sin esta unidad interior, mal se podía conseguir una prepotencia externa.

With an area of 83,000 square miles and a population of 600,000, British Guiana is one of the smallest countries on the South American continent. Its political importance is out of all proportion to its size or economic performance for the single reason that the People's Progressive Party (PPP), which won a clear majority in the Legislative Assembly elections of 1961, is completely dominated by a group of Communists.

British Guiana is still a colony under a governor who is a British civil servant nominated by the Colonial Office in London and who controls law and order, defense, and external affairs—the effective levers of command. The local government can thus be said to be in office but not in power, its range of action being extremely limited.

The movement of Mexican laborers across the international boundary into the southwestern United States has been occurring since the establishment of a boundary in that area. It is a natural movement of worker toward the source of work. Interests of the governments involved have caused checks to be placed upon this movement of workers. Public Law 78 represented one of the recent attempts of the United States government, through co-operation with the Mexican government, to regulate the movement of migrant workers.

In this article I will briefly trace the history of PL 78. The impact of this law upon Mexico and its relevance for United States relations with that country are of importance.

In Latin America, where elections are usually something less than expressions of the popular will, it is significant that in Chile one of the most decisive political decisions was resolved at the ballot box. Of two-and-a-half million votes cast, Eduardo Frei, the Christian Democratic candidate, received 56%. The Socialist-Communist coalition candidate, Salvador Allende, received 39%, while Julio Duran, the candidate of the former foremost electoral party, the Radical Party, received slightly less than 5 %. With the exception of the usual bribery charges and the emphasizing of the fact that illiterates who compose 25% of the population (and who are mostly lower class) are excluded from voting, even the Communist daily El Siglo editorially commented that Frei won the popular mandate. This was both a personal triumph for Frei and a political vindication for the Christian Democratic Party which began in the late thirties as a split-off from the old traditional Catholic Conservative Party.

Almost from the inception of the Spanish Inquisition which sought to stifle scientific investigation and philosophical speculation while rejecting foreign ideologies, contrary currents existed in Spain. The liberal humanistic movement headed by Erasmus preached intellectual freedom and a defense of interior religión. This ideology never disappeared in Spain in spite of the formation of the Company of Jesus by Ignacio de Loyola and the efforts of Spanish theologians who promoted the Counter Reformation at the Council of Trent. Under Felipe II foreign ideas were forbidden as heretical and interpretations independent of the Church were stifled. Nevertheless, criticism of the status quo continued. Reginaldo González Montano wrote the first attack on the Inquisition, Sanctae Inquisitioms Hispanicae in 1567.

Representative government in Venezuela is in its infancy. Experience with the techniques of political competition within a democratic framework has until recently been almost non-existent. Yet the vigor and determination with which strides toward economic development and political legitimation are being executed suggest that perhaps the nation may be able to accomplish the task of creating a stable and effective polity without the sacrifice of respect for human dignity that has been so commonplace elsewhere. Political parties have had a key role in this process; they have, in effect, been instruments of transition.

This essay analyzes the evolution and growth of one of these parties — the Christian Democratic party — an organization which, ranking second in size only to Rómulo Betancourt's Acción Democrática, stands today in a pivotal position in the nation's distribution of political power.

The idea of a seminar that would contribute as much to the understanding of the country or area studied as to the individual disciplines participating is still one of those interesting projects that very rarely materialize. I can only provide knowledgeable discussion on the contribution that literary criticism can make to the larger objective of the study of Latin American society and culture. I am of the opinion that the insights of literary analysis can be very useful to my colleagues in the social sciences, but the adaptation of material from a discipline that is dealing with the imagination in its most elaborate expression, in the last analysis, must depend on each specialist's willingness to confront the subjective vision in man as a part of the human experience.

In the desire to realize a strong and free community of the American peoples, there is need to take seriously the words of Graça Aranha, the Brazilian philosopher: “All progress is an aspiration toward freedom. This is the true fulcrum, the stimulus, the reason for being of a society…. The search for freedom and its realization as the foundation of community is the end of all existence…. Freedom is like life itself, it is born and grows in pain.”

The concern for the achievement of the fullest realization of the meaning of freedom has been the strongest unifying force within the countries and between the people of the Americas. “We recognize,” wrote the great Venezuelan philosopher and Chilean educator Andrés Bello, “the American spirit, the love of freedom and of humanity.” “Culture,” stated Antonio Caso of Mexico, “is not conceived without freedom. Only in an environment of freedom is the work of civilization able to mature.”

Boom and collapse characterized the history of the Brazilian rubber industry. Its rise and fall followed a pattern well established by dyewood, sugar, gold, diamonds, tobacco, cotton, and cacao. The story of these industries points out one of the major themes in Brazilian history: the recurrence of economic cycles during which one product of the soil dominates the development of the entire country or a large part of it. This cyclical development prompted the Brazilian economist J. F. Normano to conclude: “The history of Brazilian economy is a sensational record with amazing fluctuations. It is a history of the appearance and disappearance of entire industries.” A team of American economists sent to study the economy in the late forties concurred.