Epidemiology, the study of patterns of disease distribution in time and space, offers a powerful set of theories and methods for understanding and preventing illness. The disruptive behavior disorders (DBDs) can be studied from the point of view of whether or not epidemiological methods could help to understand and prevent them. We suggest that the best approach to the DBDs is one that takes into account both the development of the child and the development of the disorder. Developmental epidemiology is the attempt to use recent advances in developmental psychopathology to help answer questions about how developmental processes increase or decrease vulnerability to DBDs, how risk factors change across childhood, and how the development of the disorder is reflected in rates of onset and patterns of symptomatology. Using examples of primary and secondary prevention studies, we discuss the importance of appropriate sampling strategies and a clearly articulated theoretical background, if intervention trials are to achieve their full utility as tests of a developmental theory of the DBDs.

Sociometric status differences in children's social competence were examined in a sample of elementary school-aged children using teacher ratings and peer nominations. Rejected children evinced significantly fewer competencies (e.g., peer group entry, responses to provocation) than popular, average, or neglected children but differed from controversial children only with respect to their inability to meet established social norms for cooperative behavior and teachers' expectations for classroom behavior. An examination of the heterogeneity of peer-rejected children revealed that rejected-aggressive children were deficient in all aspects of social competence assessed and were most disliked by their peers. Rejected-withdrawn children were seen by peers as most unhappy, whereas rejected-undifferentiated children (i.e., rejected children who were neither highly aggressive nor highly withdrawn) had problems with social withdrawal, disruptive behavior, and socially appropriate behavior. Rejected-aggressive and rejected-withdrawn children had more difficulties with reactive aggression combined with an inability to respond positively to peers than their nonrejected agemates. The need for further research on the heterogeneity of peer-rejected children and the long-term implications for these children are discussed.

This study distinguished between factors that were protective for children at high risk and those that were resources for children regardless of risk level and determined the generality of these factors across three different risk definitions: school-age children of mothers with (a) unipolar depression (n = 22), (b) bipolar disorder (n = 18), and (c) medical illness (n = 18), each compared to a low-risk control group (n = 38). Results were verified at a 1-year follow-up. Positive self-concept, academic success, social competence, and positive perceptions of the mothers were resource factors associated with lower diagnostic ratings for children in all risk groups. Maternal social competence and having a healthy father in the home were resource factors for maternal unipolar risk but, unexpectedly, were vulnerability factors for maternal bipolar risk. Children's friendships were protective for children of medically ill mothers; however, frequent contact with an adult friend was a risk factor for unipolar offspring. The latter finding suggests that such contact might be a consequence of poor parent-child relationships. Findings are discussed in terms of possible interventions for children at risk, and suggestions for additional research are offered.

Developmental sequences in disruptive behavior from childhood to adolescence are traced retrospectively and prospectively in two community samples of boys. Three developmental pathways are distinguished: (a) an early authority conflict pathway, consisting in sequence of stubborn behavior, defiance, and authority avoidance; (b) a covert pathway, consisting of minor covert behaviors, property damage, and moderate to serious forms of delinquency; and (c) an overt pathway, consisting of aggression, fighting, and violence. The overlap among the three disruptive pathways is examined. Those boys who escalated in the overt pathway were more likely to escalate in the covert pathway than boys escalating in the covert pathway showing an escalation in the overt pathway. Escalation in the authority conflict pathway was not associated with escalation in either the overt or the covert pathways. Boys' rate of self-reported delinquency was highest for those in triple pathways (covert-overt-authority conflict) or in certain dual pathways (covert-overt, covert-authority conflict). However, by age 16 the highest rate of offending was displayed by those in the triple pathways. The rate of violent offenses was also highest for those in the triple pathways and for those in the overt and covert pathways. Results from the rate for court petitions largely supported these findings. Lowest rates of offending were observed for boys in the overt and authority conflict pathways. Implications are discussed for clinical practice and future research.

This study investigated the relationship of menarcheal timing and ego development to level of depressive symptoms in early adolescent girls. Girls who were postmenarcheal at the beginning of the sixth grade were classified as very early maturers; their premenarcheal peers were regarded as on time. Girls were further classified with the Loevinger Sentence Completion Test as relatively low or high in ego development. Depressive symptoms were assessed with the Beck Depression Inventory, short form. Results indicated a significant interaction of menarcheal timing and ego development: Very early maturing was associated with moderate levels of depressive symptoms for girls who were relatively low in ego development; very early maturing girls who were relatively advanced in ego development had the same minimal level of depressive symptoms as on time girls at either relatively low or advanced levels of ego development. The results support a proposed integration of psychoanalytic and empirically based biopsychosocial approaches to adolescent depression.

Data are presented concerning the early predictors of adaptational success and failure among 72 children attending their 1st years of elementary school in a violent Washington, D.C., neighborhood. Adaptational failures were defined as those children who were doing poorly or failing in school and rated by their parents as suffering clinically significant levels of behavior problems. Adaptational successes were defined as children whose performance as students was rated in the average to excellent range and whose parent-rated levels of behavior problems were within the normal range. Despite the fact that these children were being raised in violent neighborhoods, had been exposed to relatively high levels of violence in the community, and were experiencing associated distress symptoms, community violence exposure levels were not predictive of adaptational failure or success. Instead, adaptational status was systematically related to characteristics of the children's homes. More specifically, the children's chances of adaptational failure rose dramatically as a function of living in unstable and/or unsafe homes. Moreover, it was not the mere accumulation of environmental adversities that gave rise to adaptational failure in these children. Rather, it was only when such adversities contaminated or eroded the stability and/or safety levels of the children's homes that the odds of their adaptational failure increased. We argue that this erosion of the quality of the child's microsystem (i.e., family) by adversities and pressures in the exosystem (i.e., community) is not an inevitable process. Although not yet well understood, it is a process over which families have and must exercise control. The implications of these data for improving children's chances of physical, psychological, and academic survival in violent neighborhoods are considered.

This article reviews evidence from neuropsychological tests that brain dysfunction is a correlate of conduct disorder. Most studies report consistent findings of differential neuropsychological deficits for antisocial samples in verbal and “executive” functions. Neuropsychological measures are related to some of the best indicators of poor outcome for children with conduct symptoms, such as early onset, stability across time, hyperactive symptoms, and aggressiveness. Neuropsychological tests statistically predict variance in antisocial behavior independently of appropriate control variables. This article argues that neuropsychological variables warrant further study as possible causal factors for conduct disorder and presents one developmental perspective on how neuropsychological problems might contribute risk for conduct disorder.

In this commentary, we (a) discuss logical and empirical limits on the transactional model in accounting for the etiology of any developmental psychopathology, including conduct disorder (CD), and (b) review evidence bearing on whether or not frontal lobe lesions can directly produce CD behavior. Logically, transactions can both decrease and increase phenotypic variance; moreover, there is a mathematical limit (50%) to the amount of variance for which they can account. Empirically, documenting a transactional effect requires (a) that we have unconfounded measures of a child's biotype and social environment, (b) that the biotype and social environment are correlated, and (c) that we have a design (such as an adoption design) that is capable of separating the contribution of this correlation to outcome variance from the main effects of either biotype or social environment considered separately. Given these limits, we should also look for main effects in the etiology of CD. We argue that early damage or dysfunction in the frontal lobes may be one such plausible main effect on CD.

Evidence for resilience, competent functioning despite severe adversity, was investigated in school-age, disadvantaged maltreated (N = 127) and nonmaltreated (N = 79) children attending a summer camp program. Multiple areas of adaptation (social adjustment, risk for school difficulty, psychopathology) were assessed from self, peer, and camp counselor perspectives and school records. A composite index of adaptive functioning was developed, and levels of competence were delineated. Personality dimensions and personal resources, including cognitive maturity, self-esteem, ego-resiliency, and ego-control, were evaluated as mechanisms promoting individual differences in successful adaptation. Maltreated children as a group evidenced lower overall competence when compared to nonmaltreated children. An equal proportion of maltreated and nonmaltreated children, however, demonstrated high levels of competence, whereas more maltreated children than nonmaltreated children evidenced low levels of competence. Ego-resiliency, ego-control, and self-esteem were each found to predict individual differences in competent functioning. Evidence for the differential role of ego-control in promoting competence for maltreated versus nonmaltreated children was found. The results are discussed in terms of mechanisms contributing to resilient outcomes in maltreated children and the implications of the study of resilience for the field of developmental psychopathology.

Study I examined relationships between an interview measure of children's future expectations and variables reflecting self-system functioning with 136 9–11-year-old urban children exposed to high psychosocial stress. As expected, future expectations related to affect regulation, self-representations, and school adjustment. Study II, done with a subsample of the original group, showed that early positive future expectations predicted enhanced socioemotional adjustment in school and a more internal locus of control 2½–3½ years later and acted as a protective factor in reducing the negative effects of high stress on self-rated competence. These findings: (a) are consistent with prior data showing positive expectations to be characteristic of resilient children; (b) suggest that early positive future expectations influence later adjustment; and (c) underscore the role children have in actively structuring their environments and, thus, influencing their development. The heuristic value of the construct of self for future studies of resilience is suggested, and implications for preventive interventions are considered.

Undersocialized aggressive conduct disorder is conceptualized within the framework for personality and motivation of Jeffrey Gray. The disorder is seen as reflecting a dominance of the reward system over the behavioral inhibition system. Evidence for this conceptualizing coming from behavioral, psychophysiological, biochemical, and pharmacological studies is reviewed. Relevant findings from these studies include perseverative responding for reward, indices of inefficient noradrenergic and serotonergic functioning, and electrodermal underresponding. Additional research to test the proposed hypothesis is suggested.

An understanding of the interactions among developmental psychobiological and psychological and contextual aspects of conduct disorder has the potential for contributing new insights on the etiology and stability of conduct problems. The purpose here is to present theoretical and methodological issues germane to integrating a psychophysiological theory of conduct disorder with psychological developmental perspectives. These issues are theoretical concerns germane to a developmental perspective on conduct disorder, stability and change in conduct disorder, and bidirectionality in biological and psychological influences on conduct disorder.

Structural equation modeling was used (a) to determine the extent to which parent-related and non-parent-related adversity were associated with increases in conduct problems between childhood and adolescence and (b) to evaluate the possible preventive, compensatory, and moderating effects of parenting quality in this regard. Subjects were 180 boys and girls from the Project Competence longitudinal study of adversity, competence, and resilience (Garmezy & Tellegen, 1984). Conduct problems, parenting quality, and socioeconomic status were assessed when subjects were in the third through sixth grades, and adversity and conduct problems were assessed again 7 years later. Results were consistent with the view that parentrelated adversity experienced between the two assessment times was associated with a small increase in conduct problems. Adversity involving siblings, extended family, and friends was not associated with changes in conduct. Effective parenting was associated with less parent-related adversity during adolescence. Effective parenting, however, did not directly compensate for the negative effects of adversity; nor did it moderate the effects of adversity. Structural equation modeling was helpful in testing for several of these effects simultaneously. Short-term longitudinal studies with baseline measures, more frequent assessments, and adequate sample size are necessary to clarify the processes suggested by these results.

Protective and risk factors were examined in three samples, each of about 500 boys. Cross-sectional analyses examined a large number of independent variables for their potential protective and risk effects on different levels of seriousness of boys' delinquency. The results showed that protective and risk effects often co-occurred in the same variables, that few variables had risk effects only, and none had protective effects oniy. Protective effects were as likely to promote nondelinquency as to suppress serious delinquency, whereas risk effects were as likely to suppress nondelinquency as to promote serious delinquency. Certain variables were mostly associated with distinctions between nondelinquency and minor delinquency, other variables were related to the distinction between minor delinquency and serious delinquency, and a third group of variables was associated with both distinctions. Developmental analyses indicated that the magnitude of protective and risk effects increased with age. Implications of the findings for research and clinical practice are discussed.

This paper presents information pertaining to attachment processes as risk factors in the development of disruptive behavior in young children. In recognition of the fact that attachment is not the only or necessarily most important risk factor in the prediction of behavior problems, attachment is considered in the context of other domains of variables, including child biologic factors, family ecology, and parental management and socialization practices. Within the attachment domain, we describe three complementary processes that may lead to disruptive behavior: the information-processing aspects of affective-cognitive structures, the function of observable attachment patterns, and the motivational consequences of attachment security. The indirect effects of maternal representations of attachment on child disruptive behavior are also considered. Examples of protypical risk factor combinations involving attachment and other domains are provided. The implications of the attachment perspective for research and clinical work with young disruptive children are discussed.

The maintenance of high social competence despite stress was examined in a 6-month prospective study of 138 inner-city ninth-grade students. The purpose was to provide a replication and extension of findings derived from previous cross-sectional research involving a comparable sample of children. Specifically, goals were to examine the extent to which high-stress children with superior functioning on one or more aspects of school-based social competence could evade significant difficulties in (a) other spheres of competence at school and (b) emotional adjustment. Measurements of stress were based on uncontrollable negative life events. Competence was assessed via behavioral indices including school grades, teacher ratings, and peer ratings, and emotional distress was measured via self-reports. Results indicated that high-stress children who showed impressive behavioral competence were highly vulnerable to emotional distress over time. Furthermore, almost 85% of the high-stress children who seemed resilient based on at least one domain of social competence at Time 1 had significant difficulties in one or more domains examined when assessed at both Time 1 and Time 2. Findings are discussed in terms of conceptual and empirical issues in resilience research.

Attachment theory and research have traditionally been subspecialties in infant social development. Recent work has extended the relevance of attachment theory and assessments well into childhood and has established firm ties to work with adults. Many of the same variables associated with the development of disruptive behavior problems also influence the development of attachment. In addition, recent data point to consistent relations between attachment status and disruptive behavior problems. This paper reviews attachment theory, summarizes mechanisms through which attachment might be related to disruptive behavior problems, and discusses the relevance of attachment theory to prevention and therapy. We emphasize the diversity of possible relations between attachment and disruptive behavior problems and the fact that incorporating attachment theory into research on disruptive behavior problems does not mean interpreting every disruptive behavior as attachment related or every attachment-related disruption as serving the same function.

Data from the first year of a longitudinal study of 562 African American adolescents were analyzed to examine coping methods and competence outcomes as measured by academic performance (national percentile ranking [NPR] on the Iowa Test of Basic Skills) and academic self-esteem. With resilience conceptualized as adaptive coping, regression analyses were performed to test a model of risk and resilience that takes into account family and neighborhood characteristics, youths' perceptions of their contexts, coping strategies, identity processes, and achievement outcomes. With all measures in the regression model, significant predictors of NPR for males were mother's education and academic self-esteem; predictors for females were mother's education, parental life dissatisfaction, youths' perception of family conflict, and academic self-esteem. Predictors of academic self-esteem for males were mother's education, negative life events, and youths' perception of family conflict; predictors for females were negative life events and youths' perception of family conflicts. The findings indicate that, as adaptive coping responses, both academic self-esteem and academic achievement are responsive to particular protective factors. The authors suggest that prevention and intervention efforts should be sensitive to specific coping methods and abilities that could promote resilient outcomes.