The country town, like the country village, has usually been considered not only as a part of the rural community but as its centre. The existence of division and even antagonism between town and country has not been ignored, but it has been discussed as something which ought not to be. This has been the result of at least two errors into which sociology frequently falls. One of these is forgetting that many of its easy dichotomies, such as that beween rural and urban communities, are merely logical constructs. They are tools which are at times useful in the analysis and interpretation of data; they are not immutable truths. The second error is setting sociology up as a normative rather than a scientific discipline. General sociology is beginning to outgrow this, but rural sociology is still strongly disposed to describe the ideal rather than the actual. In point of fact, throughout the United States and Canada, especially in times of rapid social change, the town of a few thousand people and the farming district around it have not formed a single community; they have been distinct and often hostile social entities.

The town-country rift is especially wide on the frontier because of the different speeds with which the two types of community respond to new social conditions. On the farming frontier the small town is the representative of the old order of things, the rural community the representative of the new. In the early Canadian settlements, this fact was made very evident by the gathering of British government and military officials in the towns. The farmers in a recently settled region are pressed toward radicalism by the demands of the new environment and by temporary necessities arising from frontier conditions; they are cramped by the old system, and begin to strive for reform. The townsmen are farther removed from the situation to which the old ways do not provide a tolerable mode of adjustment; they are, to a greater extent than the farmers, in the position which Veblen ascribed to the leisure class, a position “sheltered from the action of the environment.”

High-profile controversies have created an impression that expressive freedom is imperilled on university campuses in North America. Analyses of this alleged campus crisis typically focus either on the negative psychosocial characteristics of those who oppose potentially harmful expression or on the cynical ways that expressive freedom can be invoked to normalize harmful expression. Conversely, I argue that theories of harm are key to understanding the contemporary discourse and politics of expressive freedom on campus. To shift the frame of analysis, I critically analyze three interrelated theoretical concepts that feature elastic conceptualizations of harm and are consequential for expressive limits in an academic environment: epistemic injustice, argumentational injustice and epistemic exploitation. I argue that all three concepts require a distinction between testimony and argumentation in order to better balance protection from harm, on the one hand, and expressive freedom and open inquiry, on the other.

Abstract. Many critics describe Canadian political parties as “irresponsible” democratic actors. Viewed largely as “brokerage” organizations, parties are often cited for their failure to provide voters with meaningful alternatives on the ballot. The following analysis challenges these perceptions as they apply to provincial politics—an often-neglected area of party activity in Canada. As a case study of the 2003 Manitoba provincial election, the examination reveals that parties in the province behave more “responsibly” than is commonly assumed by members of the media, academia and the electorate. These findings demand a re-examination of traditional notions of party politics in Canada, with increased attention being devoted to the “supply side” of democracy: the behaviour of the parties themselves.

Résumé. Plusieurs critiques décrivent les partis politiques canadiens comme des acteurs démocratiques «irresponsables». Considérés principalement comme des organisations de «courtage», on leur reproche souvent de ne pas offrir aux électeurs des choix bien différenciés sur le bulletin de vote. L'analyse suivante remet en question cette perception au palier de la politique provinciale – un niveau souvent négligé dans l'examenn des partis au Canada. Cette étude des élections provinciales de 2003 au Manitoba révèle que les partis provinciaux se comportent de manière plus «responsable» que ne le laissent entendre les médias, les milieux académiques et l'électorat. Cette conclusion invite à un réexamen des notions traditionnelles sur les partis politiques au Canada jetant une lumière nouvelle sur«l'aspect offre» de la démocratie : le comportement des partis eux-mêmes.

Abstract. There is a discussion in the literature about whether, to what extent, and in what ways the welfare state is retrenching or otherwise changing. Both the health policy literature and the broader policy studies literature have tended to focus on economic measures of privatization. This study tests the adequacy of the measures of public-private change proposed by Stoddart and Labelle (1984) by using them to track and analyze the sequence of policy changes in automobile legislation, workers' compensation and health that transformed Ontario's rehabilitation health sector from being almost entirely public in 1990 to being almost entirely private a decade later. It suggests adding what is called “allocative decision-making power” to indicators used to assess public-private change in order to more adequately capture transformations.

Résumé. Assiste-t-on au déclin de l'État-providence ou à sa transformation? Quelle est l'ampleur du phénomène? Ce sont des questions qui ont été maintes fois examinées. Or, les analyses des politiques de santé ainsi que les études plus générales des politiques publiques ont tendance à se concentrer sur les mesures économiques de privatisation. La présente étude vise à tester la pertinence des mesures du changement public-privé proposées par Stoddart et Labelle (1984) en les appliquant à la série des changements de politiques en matière de réglementation automobile, d'indemnisation des travailleurs et de santé qui ont fait passer le secteur de la réadaptation du système de santé ontarien d'un statut presque entièrement public en 1990 à un statut presque entièrement privé une décennie plus tard. Cette étude propose d'ajouter la mesure de ce qu'on appelle “ la capacité à prendre des décisions d'allocation ” aux indicateurs traditionnels d'évaluation de l'équilibre public-privé, afin de mieux décrire les processus de changement.

Abstract. Building on an international literature that stresses the growing importance of cities in both the economy and governance, this paper proceeds from the premise that national government support is essential to the maintenance of a social safety net, but that a great deal of local initiative is also necessary in order to ensure that national government funds are spent in a manner appropriate to the very different conditions in different cities. The paper focuses on a case in which a municipal government initiated a tri-level government program. Winnipeg officials and politicians developed a proposal for federal and provincial participation in a locally created welfare-to-work scheme, a scheme that, unlike conventional workfare, offered union wages and training leading to well-paid work. The municipal government provided on-the-job training for workers selected from the welfare rolls to carry out infrastructure upgrades and financed the project with money the federal and provincial governments saved on welfare payments. The paper argues that the municipal government was uniquely well placed to identify needed work, as well as to choose welfare recipients who would be able to benefit from the job training on offer. In this case, therefore, we argue that local initiative was essential to the success of this federally and provincially financed welfare-to-work program. The findings of the theoretical literature we review suggest that it could eventually become a precedent for further municipal and local activism along similar lines.

Résumé. S'inspirant d'une littérature internationale—comprenant les contributions de Canadiens tels que Magnusson, Elkins et Courcherne—qui souligne l'importance croissante des villes dans l'économie et la gouvernance, et s'inspirant également du savoir déjà acquis sur le fédéralisme de fond, cette communication part de la prémisse que l'appui du gouvernement fédéral est indispensable au maintien d'un filet de sécurité sociale, mais que l'initiative locale est très importante pour assurer que les fonds versés par le gouvernement national soient exploités d'une manière qui réponde aux circonstances particulières des villes différentes. La présente communication porte sur un projet lancé par une administration municipale mais destiné aux trois niveaux de gouvernement. En effet, ce sont les employés et l'administration de la Ville de Winnipeg qui ont mis sur pied un projet de retour au travail pour les bénéficiaires d'une aide sociale auquel les gouvernements fédéral et provincial devaient participer. Contrairement aux programmes conventionnels de travaux d'utilité publique, ce projet offrait un salaire conforme aux règles syndicales en même temps qu'une formation sur le lieu de travail. C'est le gouvernement municipal qui assurait cette formation aux individus choisis de la liste des bénéficiaires d'une aide sociale et dont le travail consistait à hausser l'infrastructure. C'est aussi le gouvernement municipal qui finançait le projet avec l'argent que les gouvernements fédéral et provincial avaient économisé sur les fonds de solidarité. La communication prétend que le gouvernement municipal est particulièrement bien placé pour identifier les travaux nécessaires et pour sélectionner les bénéficiaires d'aide sociale les plus capables de profiter de la formation donnée sur le poste de travail. Nous prétendons donc que, dans ce cas, le succès de ce programme de retour au travail pour les bénéficiaires d'une aide sociale, financé aux niveaux fédéral et provincial, dépendait de l'initiative locale. La littérature théorique que nous avons passée en revue suggère que ce projet puisse finir par devenir le modèle pour d'autres activités municipales et locales du même genre.

In a 1985 publication David Cameron reported that historically leftist governments had governed with smaller deficits than rightist governments. The party ideology variable was incorporated into a large body of subsequent research, mainly by economists, to study the growth of public spending and indebtedness. Most agreed with Cameron; some did not. Virtually all studies focused on western European nations (but not subnational governments). This study analyzes provincial deficits or surpluses over the period 1966 to 2009 and determines that rightist parties, despite controls for economic and other political variables, have lower budgetary deficits, a finding which contradicts Cameron but is consistent with five previous studies of provincial spending in Canada.

The eight years' interval from 1929 to 1937 was one of the most eventful periods in modern economic history. In common with other indices of economic conditions, rates of interest returns were affected by the world-wide collapse in the years immediately after 1929, and by the recovery movement which has persisted from about 1933. Among Canadian interest rates the outstanding development was the extensive decline after 1932 in the return obtainable from most of the important types of loan investment. Two significant features of this decline were, first, the decreases in certain rates which had been relatively stable for several decades and, second, the unprecedented divergence between rates of return on short and long term bonds of high grade. These developments are broadly illustrated in table I and in a chart accompanying this article.

The remarkable changes in recent years in rates of interest returns are primarily attributable to the influence of unparalleled “easy money conditions” induced in the first instance by the economic collapse and later intensified by governmental policies of an emergency nature. These were pursued in Canada and most other countries; and were designed to modify some phases of the disequilibria produced by the depression and to promote recovery. Data presented in this paper will trace the behaviour of interest rates in Canada since 1929 as indicated by returns obtainable from time to time on several types of loan investment which are popular with institutional and private investors. Limitation of space prevents an exhaustive analysis of this subject; and the scope of the two papers to follow renders unnecessary anything but incidental reference to the causes of changes in rates.

Corrupt electoral practices and controverted elections are topics which might normally be expected to go hand in hand, for the latter usually result only from the former. To some extent, the number of controverted elections is a useful criterion by which to measure the prevalence of electoral corruption; but it may be a highly misleading one, as the corruption must be discovered and proved before any election result can be affected. The criterion is therefore trustworthy only in so far as the relevant legislative devices are effective. To the degree that laws providing for the investigation of electoral malpractices are operative, bribery and personation are discouraged; weakness in these laws, on the other hand, will inevitably stimulate unscrupulous candidates and election agents to utilize any opportunities which may be turned to their advantage.

No one who has even a nodding acquaintance with the tolerant attitude taken towards political behaviour generally in the years immediately after 1867 will be surprised to hear that for some time after Confederation the whole problem of corrupt practices and controverted elections was handled in a haphazard fashion. The four provinces which came together in 1867 agreed in general terms on a definition of corrupt practice: it included the giving and receiving of bribes, whether of money, employment, or anything else; the real or threatened use of violence; treating; personation; and in some cases payment for the hauling of voters to the polls. They also had similar views as to how action for corrupt practice should be begun (by a simple petition signed by either an elector or candidate), and had adopted somewhat similar ways of trying the actual election cases, though their procedures varied in detail. Thus the Assembly of the province of Canada had a general committee of elections, appointed by the speaker subject to the sanction of the House, which was charged with preparing two panels of chairmen and members from which election committees consisting of a chairman and four members were finally chosen. Nova Scotia and New Brunswick sent controverted elections directly to a select committee. Manitoba and British Columbia, when they entered the federation, used the ordinary judicial system and tried election disputes like other cases. In the provinces where committees of the assembly were used, the procedure was similar to that of a court: the committee members were sworn to uphold justice; witnesses were examined under oath; and the parties concerned were represented by counsel. It is to be feared, however, that judicial impartiality was noticeably absent in the rendering of verdicts.

Abstract. For much of the post-war period of welfare state formation, T.H. Marshall's idea of shared entitlement to universal social rights of citizenship formed the theoretical foundations of social democratic political reforms and legitimacy. This approach has been updated by contemporary egalitarian theorists, such as John Rawls. The ongoing politics of restructuring have led to a growing number of arguments against the motivational capacity of an institutional account of social unity. This paper examines a particular argument against rights-based citizenship—David Miller's theory of nationality. Miller argues that “pure” citizenship rests on self-interest, and thus when differences in risk are explicit it can only legitimate minimal redistribution. Strong welfare states require pre-political ties and must be embedded in the ethical relations of shared nationality. Against Miller's position, it is advanced that shared citizenship has both effective motivational and moral dimensions. It can also address the problems the nationality thesis faces in reconciling its account of motivation with the moral diversity that is constitutive of pluralist societies.

Résumé. Dans l'après-guerre, au moment de la formation des Etats-providence, la mise en place et la justification des politiques social-démocrates s'appuyèrent en grande majorité sur la théorie de T.H. Marshall à propos du rôle joué par les droits sociaux dans l'intégration civique. Cette approche a été actualisée par des théoriciens égalitariens tels que John Rawls. Les politiques actuelles de restructuration de l'Etat-providence ont provoqué la multiplication d'un certain type de critiques soulignant les insuffisances de cette approche institutionnelle du lien social en termes de ressources motivationnelles. Cet article examine l'une ces critiques, formulée par David Miller dans sa théorie sur la nationalité. Miller soutient que la citoyenneté “pure” repose sur l'intérêt personnel et qu'elle ne peut justifier qu'une redistribution minimale, lorsque les différences engagées sont manifestes. Pour affirmer leur autorité, les Etats-providence ont besoin d'être fondés sur des liens prépolitiques et soutenus par les rapports de solidarité d'une nationalité commune. A l'encontre de la position défendue par Miller, on avancera que la citoyenneté possède de façon effective une dimension qui est à la fois morale et motivationnelle. En outre, elle est à même d'affronter les problèmes que soulève la thèse sur la nationalité, en réconciliant sa conception de la motivation avec la diversité morale inhérente aux sociétés pluralistes.

Abstract. This article assesses the economic development of Canadian provinces in the context provided by the theory of convergence. Two basic questions will be asked and to some extent answered. First, to what degree do the Canadian provinces reveal convergence over time in terms of general economic performance? Second, what are the implications of convergence theory for Canadian provincial policy? These questions combine to give the article a purpose that is both academic and policy relevant in nature.

Four additional sections make up this article. The first explains the central place of convergence theory within the study of development, most notably as related to peripheries or lagging economies. Second, convergence theory is discussed within the special and interesting setting of the Canadian economy. Third, the research design and data analysis are presented. The results suggest that convergence is serving as a natural and highly robust corrective to regional disparity. Fourth, and finally, conclusions are offered and policy implications derived.

Résumé. Cet article examine le développement économique des provinces canadiennes dans le cadre de la théorie de la convergence. Il pose deux grandes questions, auxquelles il répond en partie. Premièrement, dans quelle mesure les provinces canadiennes présentent-elles une convergence à long terme pour ce qui est de leur performance économique? Deuxièmement, quelles sont les implications de la théorie de la convergence pour les politiques provinciales ? Par ces deux questions, le présent article revêt à la fois une portée académique et une pertinence en matière de politique publique.

L'article comprend également quatre parties. La première explique la place centrale qu'occupe la théorie de la convergence dans l'étude du développement économique, notamment en ce qui concerne les périphéries ou les économies accusant un certain retard. La deuxième discute la théorie de la convergence dans le cadre spécifique et intéressant de l'économie canadienne. La troisième précise le cadre d'analyse et dévoile l'analyse des données. Les résultats démontrent que la convergence représente un correctif naturel et fort efficace des disparités régionales. La quatrième et dernière partie présente les conclusions et quelques implications politiques qui en découlent.

Debates over multiculturalism are increasingly partisan. The rise of the far right is forcing centre-right parties into difficult decisions over how to hold on to nationalist voters while appealing to moderates. Left parties face similar dilemmas when balancing the pressures of pro-multicultural voters against those opposed to immigration. What do these debates mean for the future of multiculturalism? Using a new, annualized version of the Multiculturalism Policy Index, this article argues that partisan consensus is important to the development of multiculturalism. It demonstrates that support from centre-right parties plays a key role in the adoption of multiculturalism policies.

Abstract. By tying subsidies to vote totals, Bill C-24 substantially changed the way Canadian national parties are financed. This raises the possibility of increased voter turnout, as parties face greater incentives to maximize vote totals, and voters face greater incentives to turn out. We consider this possibility. We show that turnout was not differently affected by closeness in 2004 than in 2000; that candidates' efforts were not greater in 2004 in more marginal ridings; that there were no differences in the likelihood of abstaining or deserting a preferred third-place party in 2004 and 2000; and that at the individual level, the decision to turn out was not affected by strategic considerations in the expected direction. Accordingly, we find little support for the possibility that C-24 increased turnout.

Résumé. En liant les subventions au total des votes obtenus, la loi C-24 modifie substantiellement le financement des partis politiques nationaux au Canada. Ce changement pourrait induire une augmentation de la participation électorale puisque les partis ont intérêt à maximiser le nombre de votes et les électeurs sont davantage incités à voter. Nous examinons cette hypothèse. Nous démontrons que l'influence de l'intensité de la lutte entre les candidates sur la participation électorale n'a pas été différente en 2004 qu'en 2000; que les efforts des candidats n'ont pas été plus intenses en 2004 dans les circonscriptions perdues à l'avance; que la probabilité de s'abstenir ou de renoncer à appuyer un tiers parti n'a pas changé entre 2000 et 2004; et que la décision individuelle de participer à l'élection n'a pas été influencée par des considérations stratégiques allant dans la direction prévue. En conséquence, nous trouvons peu de preuves confirmant l'hypothèse selon laquelle la loi C-24 a favorisé la participation électorale.

Abstract. Canadian voting behaviour from 1979 to 2000 is examined by relating long-term economic changes to support for “non-mainstream” parties, defined as parties other than the Liberals or Progressive Conservatives. This long-term perspective is unique, in that standard economic voting research focuses mostly on how short-term economic changes affect support levels for the incumbent. In order to illustrate the effects of long-term economic decline, federal voting results are related with short- and long-term economic data, namely unemployment and labour-force participation rates, all aggregated at the provincial level. The pooled data produces results that confirm the relevance of short-term changes to explain support for the incumbent party, while support for non-mainstream parties is, instead, explained by long-term economic changes.

Résumé. Cet article examine le comportement électoral des Canadiens de 1979 à 2000 en reliant les changements économiques à long terme à l'appui accordé aux partis “ non dominants ”, à savoir les partis autres que les libéraux et les conservateurs. Cette perspective à long terme est unique en son genre car les recherches standard sur le vote économique étudient surtout le retentissement des changements économiques à court terme sur l'appui au parti sortant. Pour illustrer les effets du déclin économique à long terme, nous avons relié les résultats des élections fédérales aux données économiques à court et à long terme, notamment les taux de chômage et de participation de la population active, calculés à l'échelon provincial. Les données agrégées donnent des résultats qui confirment la pertinence des changements à court terme pour expliquer l'appui au parti sortant, tandis que le soutien aux partis “ non dominants ” s'explique au contraire par les changements économiques à long terme.

This article analyzes the recent constitutional turmoil in Canada by arguing that disenchantment with political institutions can be traced to confusion and indecision about the kind of democratic regime Canadians want. Using the work of Johan Olsen and James March, the author outlines two models of democratic political institutions, both centred on the concept of popular sovereignty but each offering its own version of how popular rule is to be achieved and legitimated. While the Canadian state was originally established on “integrative” principles and processes, recent years witnessed the rise of “aggregative” ideals. This development has had a profound effect on constitutional politics as well as on “normal” politics. The result is that Canadians now have a different democracy than the one they inherited from their British forebears, one with its own capacity to generate stalemate and disappointment.

The long-standing centrality of party leaders to Canadian elections and politics, and the use of televised extra-parliamentary conventions to choose leaders, have led parties to believe that a new leader will provide them with an electoral boost at the subsequent election. This article tests this perception using the record of 136 cases of leadership change in Canadian provincial parties over the last three decades. The data allow the authors to consider the impact of divisive contests, the relevance of a party's competitive position, and the regional variance on any leadership convention electoral boost. It concludes the conventional wisdom is wrong.

Regional ministers, it is said, have declined in importance over the past three decades. While granting the disappearance of figures whose influence spanned broad regions, this article argues that in the last cabinet of Pierre Trudeau (1980–1984) the regional minister system was to a degree revived and formalized within the context of cabinet decision-making. The impact of this system is examined with respect to regional development and employment creation programmes. To account for the renewed influence of regional ministers, attention is focussed on changes in the machinery of government and on the political and economic climate of the time. The case of one minister in particular, Lloyd Axworthy, suggests that a contemporary regional minister's success is dependent primarily on the ability to mobilize the resources of the administrative state.

The COVID-19 pandemic has led some 75 countries to restrict their exports of hundreds of essential products, ranging from antibiotics and face masks to medical ventilators. Since banning exports decreases global supply and leads to price surges on world markets, the cost of these measures may ultimately be counted in human lives.

Abstract. The gradual withdrawal of young voters from the active electorate is one of the strongest and most important factors in accounting for declining voter turnout in Canada and other western democracies. Because qualitative approaches may be better able to probe the reasons underlying these changing values and attitudes than traditional mass surveys, we used the popular social media site Facebook during the 2008 federal election campaign to collect data on young people's perceptions of electoral politics in the context of their civic obligations. This medium proved to be a valuable and productive research tool. Based on this project, we argue that non-voting tends to be seen as a more socially acceptable behaviour to young voters than is typically found in the thinking of older cohorts, and that this may be connected to changing concepts of the obligations of citizenship.

Résumé. Le désengagement graduel des jeunes électeurs est un des facteurs les plus importants pour expliquer le déclin de la participation électorale au Canada et dans les démocraties occidentales. Afin de mieux comprendre les causes de ce changement de valeurs et d'attitudes, nous avons utilisé le média social Facebook afin de collecter des données qualitatives sur la perception des jeunes électeurs durant l'élection fédérale de 2008. Cette approche nous apparaît mieux adapter que l'approche traditionnelle caractérisée par l'utilisation de sondages d'opinion. Au terme de l'analyse, la collecte de données via Facebook s'est avérée être une stratégie de recherche productive. En nous basant sur ces données, nous concluons que l'abstention électorale est un comportement plus socialement acceptable pour les jeunes électeurs que pour les électeurs plus âgés. Cette attitude pourrait être liée un changement conceptuel quant aux obligations associées à la citoyenneté.