Ethnohistoric documents have been used to define the eastern limits of the Aztec empire in the Mesoamerican southern Gulf lowlands with contradictory results. Until the research presented here, complementary archaeological evidence for Aztec imperial interactions has largely evaded detection in this region. In this paper, I review the documentary data for Aztec expansion and interactions near its eastern frontier and present the most robust archaeological evidence discovered to date that supports this imperial presence in the southern Gulf lowlands. A new model for imperial-local interaction is also introduced.

Our understanding of the history of ancient Chichen Itza has been advanced significantly in recent years by the Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia's Chichen Itza Archaeological Project. One important advance has been the definition of a new ceramic complex for the site of Yabnal, which dates to the Late Classic period, and corresponds to the Motul ceramic complex of Mayapan. The majority of materials used to define the Yabnal complex come from recent excavation of terraces and platforms distributed throughout the entire area occupied by Chichen Itza in its heyday, but also includes finds in association with the construction and use of buildings with rooms such as the substructure of the Temple of the Initial Series. The most important ceramic materials include complete and restorable vessels obtained from sealed contexts. The Yabnal ceramic complex displays a variety of local and imported wares, similar to those found elsewhere in the northern plains, with the Slate Ware group proving possibly the most important. Ceramic Slate Ware is a high-quality ceramic characterized by the frequent use of volcanic ash as temper, and demonstrates a deeply rooted tradition in northern Yucatan, spanning roughly 600 years. Although most recent discussion of ceramics at Chichen Itza has focused on the Terminal Classic and Postclassic periods, this study examines the early Yabnal ceramic complex of the Late Classic period with a focus on the site, its chronology, and the important implications this ceramic complex has for the general history of the northern plains.

Cuando a fines de la primera mitad del siglo XVI los españoles concluyeron la conquista del noroeste de la península de Yucatán, encontraron que las mujeres mayas poseían una larga tradición en la confección de los tejidos de algodón. Los encomenderos y los franciscanos aprovecharon su disposición y organización del trabajo textil para obligarlas a tejer mantas de algodón con el fin de exportarlas al mercado novohispano. La crisis demográfica del último tercio del siglo de la invasión imposibilitó a los pueblos producir con su población femenina las cuotas tributarias y las limosnas textiles. Este fenómeno dio como resultado que los pueblos vivieran un periodo de desequilibrio que propició un proceso de simplificación social, de intensificación de la jornada de trabajo femenino y que la cuota de explotación colonial se incrementara.

This paper summarizes some accomplishments of the Teotihuacan Mapping Project, with particular attention to issues of accuracy and validity. I then describe experiences and lessons learned in creating electronic files derived from Mapping Project field records and collections. I sketch questions about the city and state of Teotihuacan that loom especially large in my own thinking. Finally, I list some specific field projects at Teotihuacan that I think should be given high priority, as well as opportunities with curated materials, records, and electronic files.

Pyramid B was one of the most important buildings in the sacred precinct of the Early Postclassic city of Tula, Hidalgo. On its summit was a temple supported by anthropomorphic and zoomorphic columns and four pillars containing the reliefs of 16 individuals and other images. Based on comparative analysis with other archaeological specimens and images from conquest era codices, I propose that all 16 individuals were warrior-kings in sacred dress bearing a suite of weapons associated with the Tollan-Xicocotitlan elite.

Two burials excavated at Izapa in 1963 have special green obsidian artifacts made at Teotihuacan. We describe the contexts and contents of these burials and consider the significance of their contents in light of Spence's (1996) model of Teotihuacan exchange of obsidian objects. We interpret the Izapa artifacts as gifted objects indicative of the political independence of Izapa in Middle Classic times.

Figurines offer archaeologists intriguing insights into many aspects of prehistoric culture. Beyond their utility as chronological markers, figurines offer information regarding the social and cultural structures of a society. This paper will demonstrate how the figurines of Michoacan can be used as markers of ethnic identity and ethnic continuity in the Lake Patzcauro Basin. The high degree of continuity in decorative and production styles throughout much of the sequence serves as evidence for ethnic continuity and the identity of the people who made the artifacts. A preliminary typology for the Michoacan figurines is presented to support the idea that a distinctly Michoacan style of figurine exists. The application of this figurine typology reveals a high degree of continuity in the figurine record. This supports the hypothesis that the ethnic origins of the Michoacan people may reach back as far as the Late Preclassic/Early Classic period.

The unexpected discovery of an elaborate stone coffer with lowland-style carved images and early Maya inscriptions in a cave in the northern Guatemalan highlands has great implications for our understanding of highland-lowland interaction. However, this discovery proved to be only the “tip of the iceberg” in terms of the importance of subterranean evidence in this region. Investigations in caves in central Guatemala over the past decade have been a central part of the regional investigations, often directing subsequent reconnaissance, settlement surveys, and site excavations. Indeed, the early history of the region and the trade route passing through it has largely been reconstructed from evidence in cave shrines along the mountain valley routes from Kaminaljuyu and the Valley of Guatemala to lowland Maya sites. This article reviews this evidence, which also demonstrates how cave assemblages can be used not merely to study ancient ritual, but to examine broad problems in culture history and critical elements in the study of elite power, ceramic production, settlement patterns, interregional trade, and ancient economy.

Recientes exploraciones arqueológicas en el litoral norteño de la península yucateca, México, han arrojado nuevos datos de la interacción entre humanos y animales en tiempos prehispánicos. En este artículo queremos discutir el patrón de aprovechamiento seguido por parte de los pobladores prehispánicos en dicha zona costera, basándonos en dos conjuntos zooarqueológicos correspondientes a los sitios de Isla Cerritos e Xcambo respectivamente, ambos ubicados en el Estado Mexicano de Yucatan y pertenecientes a la cultura maya prehispánica. La discusión conjunta del aprovechamiento manifestado a través de los dos sitios está motivada en primer lugar por la relativa cercanía entre ambos asentamientos, y en segundo lugar, porque los dos sitios son cronológicamente continuos y permiten esbozar el desarrollo del aprovechamiento precolombino de fauna costera a través de una secuencia cronológica de aproximadamente 850 años.

Una parte importante del trabajo está dedicada a describir los hallazgos de una especie de mamífero hoy extinta, identificada entre los materiales faunísticos: la foca tropical (Monachus tropicalis). Los especímenes constituyen los únicos hallazgos de su tipo relacionados a reminiscencias culturales prehispánicas en Mesoamérica hasta la fecha y son de particular interés, porque desde hace más de 20 años se había supuesto, sin sustento en hallazgos materiales, el aprovechamiento de focas por parte de los mayas prehispánicos. El hallazgo de huesos de esta especie en contextos arqueológicos nos permite ahora afirmar la hipótesis, demostrando que sí hubo aprovechamiento, a pequeña escala, de esta especie por parte de los ocupantes costeros prehispánicos de la región.

Skeletal remains from Tlajinga 33 (33:S3W1) have been the focus of research in the southern sector of Teotihuacan since excavations took place in the 1980s. Recent excavations in Tlajinga Compounds 17 and 18 (17:S3E1 and 18:S3E1, respectively), located along the southern Street of the Dead, recovered nine additional skeletons. This article is a description of the burials from Compounds 17 and 18 and a comparative analysis of health, diet, and chronology across all three compounds (Compounds 17, 18, and 33). Here, we test the hypothesis that individuals between residential compounds at Tlajinga lived similar lives and that health and biogeochemical markers of individuals will reflect these similarities. Although the sample size is small, the paleopathological analysis of individuals at Compounds 17 and 18 indicates morbidity patterns similar to Tlajinga 33, but also that these residents were perhaps less susceptible to stressors during periods of juvenile growth. Stable carbon and nitrogen isotopes suggest that, overall, diets were analogous across compounds, but Compounds 17 and 18 were able to supplement their diet with a greater variety of plant resources. There were no clear dietary differences between higher and lower status individuals, however. Finally, accelerated mass spectrometry radiocarbon (AMS 14C) dates indicate that residential living may have occurred later at Compound 18 than at Compound 17 and Tlajinga 33.

This paper examines ethnohistoric accounts and oral histories accumulated during the last 50 years concerning the movements of the mythical personage of Quetzalcoatl/Kukulcan (Kukul Can) and the role of these narratives in political ideologies between the Epiclassic and Postclassic periods. These narratives outline the movements of Quetzalcoatl/Kukulcan by way of terrestrial, celestial, and subterranean routes that connected pilgrimage centers across the Maya lowlands in the peninsula of Yucatan. Ethnographic and ethnohistoric data presented in this paper describe linkages between important political, economic, and ritual centers that had roots in pan-Mesoamerican social dynamics originating as early as the Terminal Classic or Epiclassic period. Links between cities included not just the physical intersite connections evidenced by causeways that are so prominent in the archaeological record but also intangible, mythical, and symbolic connections embodied in mythical histories of subterranean passageways and celestial umbilical cords. These accounts and oral histories highlight the importance of migration and founding events in the establishment of new cities during the major political, economic, and social reorganizations that took place after the end of the Late Classic period. As a whole, these linkages comprised a political infrastructure connecting a network of cities within the highly integrated and international Postclassic Mesoamerican world. The indigenous histories outlined in this paper complement archaeological data, reflecting an increase in internationalism, economic integration, and the spread of new religious movements beginning in the Terminal or Epiclassic periods across Mesoamerica.

Despite the recognition by many scholars of the high esthetic value of Jaina-style figurines, they present a number of analytic problems. Their functions remain obscure, and their role in Late Classic period Maya society has not been adequately examined. Throughout southeastern Mesoamerica, with few exceptions, all figurines and fragments are found in domestic contexts, mostly trash heaps; on Jaina, most examples come from graves. This article addresses the question of Jaina exceptionalism. It places its unique features in the broader context of Terminal Classic political and economic developments that were sweeping across the northern Maya Lowlands. Here I argue that the use of figurines in domestic rituals determined their appropriateness for placement in a particular grave, rather than the age, sex, or occupation of the deceased.

Los habitantes de Monte Albán estaban organizados en una sociedad jerárquica compleja; la integración a la sociedad estuvo determinada por factores sociales, económicos, políticos, así como de género y edad. El objetivo central del estudio radica en identificar la posición social de los niños y su integración como miembros de la comunidad. Con este fin analizamos los patrones funerarios y el uso del espacio en dos unidades domésticas de estatus medio/alto del periodo clásico (200–750 d.C.). De acuerdo con el análisis e interpretación de los resultados, los niños más pequeños fueron enterrados en los patios centrales, algunos en fosas y otros sobre cajetes cubiertos con otro plato. A partir de los cuatro a cinco años se inhumaban bajo el piso de los cuartos y sólo unos cuantos al interior de la tumba familiar. Esta metodología permite conocer las diferencias sociales y de género al interior del grupo social y quizá como reflejo también en la sociedad zapoteca.

Excavaciones de salvamento arqueológico en varios sitios aledaños a la ciudad de Mérida han aportado nueva información sobre las características y la ubicación cronológica de las etapas más antiguas de la alfarería maya del noroeste de Yucatan. Un reciente cotejo de previas y nuevas evidencias estratigráficas y la calibración 1–2 sigma de 16 fechas de 14C provenientes de contextos preclásicos, nos sugiere que la producción del repertorio cerámico Nabanche temprano, el más antiguo hallado hasta ahora en el norte de Yucatan, comenzó en una fecha anterior al año 1000 a.C. Después del año 400 a.C. la alfarería Nabanche temprano empezó a ser reemplazada paulatinamente por nuevos grupos cerámicos, principalmente por el Xanaba rojo, hasta su virtual desaparición al inicio de la era cristiana.

The Spaniards described a particular type of Maya building found in the center of Maya cities that served multiple functions, from temporary homes for men and boys to council houses. This type of building, labeled a popol nah at Copan, was noted in Yucatan and the highlands of Guatemala. Two probable popol nahs, Structures 10L-223 and 10L-22A, have been identified at Copan, Honduras, suggesting continuity in this building type into at least the Maya Late Classic period. The differences between the two structures in both location and form support the idea of competing lineages in the Late Classic. These differences also suggest that the later rulers may have transformed earlier multifunction buildings into more specific functions that served their political needs.

The period preceding the Terminal Classic florescence in the Puuc region of Yucatan, Mexico has not received adequate research attention. Recent comprehensive site survey and excavation at Chac II (Chac) are exploring Puuc origins and have begun to redress the lack of chronological understanding regarding the region by independently linking architectural styles to ceramic sequences via a program of absolute dating. Results to date suggest that Chac was a significant Early Classic center (a.d. 300–600) that also experienced a major Late Classic (a.d. 600–800) occupation. Multiple lines of chronological evidence, including buildings with a mix of early architectural styles and associated pre-Cehpech and Cehpech ceramics (a.d. 800–1000) within sealed architectural and stratigraphic contexts, suggest a period of architectural transition and the antecedents of Cehpech ceramics dating to the sixth century. These new chronological data and associated evidence for foreign contacts perhaps reaching to central Mexico argue for the assignment of a Middle Classic period (a.d. 500–700) to the region, with broad evolutionary implications for Puuc origins and pan-Mesoamerican contacts.

Iconographic analysis of the Prehispanic stone sculpture of West Mexico (Jalisco, Colima, Nayarit, and Michoacan) has revealed several iconographic themes, which are interpreted using ethnographic analogy with the Huichol Indians and other groups, as well as ethnohistorical information from West Mexico, central Mexico, and other areas. A total of seven iconographic themes have been identified: (1) human heads, (2) human skulls, (3) double figures, (4) anthropozoomorphic figures, (5) anthropomorphic braziers, (6) horned figures, and (7) hunchbacked figures. One shared meaning that appears in one form or another in most themes is fertility. It is proposed that these sculptures were sacred objects whose possible function was to symbolize the deified ancestors or deities that were ultimately responsible for rain and agricultural fertility.

Two ballcourts at the major Classic site of La Milpa are of similar age but different design, a circumstance found only rarely elsewhere. Differences in playing surface and alley plan suggest that different kinds of ballgame were played during the Terminal Classic period on these courts.

This article engages the debate about Aztec cannibalism principally through the analysis of three accounts of cannibalism by trickery set in the Valley of Mexico. These three tales are practically the only form in which cannibalism appears in the major Nahua (indigenous Nahuatl-speaking) writings of the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. The stories portray cannibalism as shocking, even abhorrent, to Aztecs—rather than as customary—and as a stratagem for humiliating an enemy or provoking a community to war. The contemporaneous Spanish writings, in contrast, are replete with allegations of customary cannibalism, while the major mestizo (Nahua mother and Spanish father) authors are divided in their treatment of the subject. The three-way critical comparison (Nahua, mestizo, Spanish) raises the possibility that the idea of customary cannibalism originated in Spanish culture and was then transmitted to the indigenous population during post-Conquest religious conversion and Hispanicization.