Canadian election campaigns often see a proliferation of political signs at the start of an election, but are they worth the effort? We examined official results at the poll level (N = 785) from elections agencies and the quantities of household signs recorded in internal political party databases (Green Parties of Canada, Manitoba, and Ontario). Overall, the results suggest that the use of household signs is an effective form of political campaigning in Canada for nongoverning parties. Analyses suggest that every sign placed per 100 registered electors is associated with an increase of 0.5–1.5 per cent vote share. The presence of household signs was associated with an increase of 1.5–3.4 per cent vote share. Further, preliminary evidence also suggests a possible diminishing returns trend: the per-sign rate of increase in vote share may slow down at higher densities. We discuss the implications of the results, including the possible curvilinear trend.

Inappropriate use of antibiotics is among the key drivers of antimicrobial resistance (AMR). Antibiotic use in Northern Ireland (NI) is the highest in the UK and approximately 80% is prescribed in primary care. Little information however exists about the patient and prescriber factors driving this. We described the trend in NI primary care total antibiotic prescribing 2010–2019 and conducted a cross-sectional study using a random sample of individuals registered with an NI GP on 1st January 2019. We used multilevel logistic regression to examine how sociodemographic factors and urinary catheter use was associated with the likelihood of being prescribed an antibiotic during 2019, adjusting for clustering at GP practice and GP federation levels. Finite mixture modelling (FMM) was conducted to determine the association between the aforementioned risk factors and quantity of antibiotic prescribed (defined daily doses). The association between age and antibiotic prescription differed by gender. Compared to males 41–50 years, adjusted odds of prescription were higher for males aged 0–10, 11–20 and 51 + years, and females of any age. Catheter use was strongly associated with antibiotic prescription (aOR = 6.82, 95% CI 2.50–18.64). Socioeconomic deprivation and urban/rural settlement were not associated in the multilevel logistic analysis. GP practices and federations accounted for 1.24% and 0.12% of the variation in antibiotic prescribing respectively. FMM showed associations between larger quantities of antibiotics and being older, male and having a catheter. This work described the profile of individuals most likely to receive an antibiotic prescription in NI primary care and identified GP practice as a source of variation; suggesting an opportunity for reduction from effective interventions targeted at both individuals and general practices.

The survival of minority governments depends on support from non-cabinet parties that strive to safeguard government stability while also fulfilling their accountability to the electorate. This article argues that non-cabinet parties' propensity to support the government depends on their desire to uphold distinctiveness when accountability is at stake. This even applies to opposition parties that are officially committed to minority government support and, as a trade-off, receive policy pay-offs. By analysing opposition party voting in 23 years of Swedish minority governments (1991–2018), the article suggests that ideologically distant support parties are more likely to oppose the government on their core issues since compromise would involve too-large concessions. These results question our understanding of support party pay-offs as a trade-off for minority government support and highlight the rationality of entering a support agreement, which gives the support party a certain degree of policy influence while also keeping a distinct party profile.

We investigated whether household to clinic distance was a risk factor for death on tuberculosis (TB) treatment in Malawi. Using enhanced TB surveillance data, we recorded all TB treatment initiations and outcomes between 2015 and 2018. Household locations were geolocated, and distances were measured by a straight line or shortest road network. We constructed Bayesian multi-level logistic regression models to investigate associations between distance and case fatality. A total of 479/4397 (10.9%) TB patients died. Greater distance was associated with higher (odds ratio (OR) 1.07 per kilometre (km) increase, 95% credible interval (CI) 0.99–1.16) odds of death in TB patients registered at the referral hospital, but not among TB patients registered at primary clinics (OR 0.98 per km increase, 95% CI 0.92–1.03). Age (OR 1.02 per year increase, 95% CI 1.01–1.02) and HIV-positive status (OR 2.21, 95% CI 1.73–2.85) were also associated with higher odds of death. Model estimates were similar for both distance measures. Distance was a risk factor for death among patients at the main referral hospital, likely due to delayed diagnosis and suboptimal healthcare access. To reduce mortality, targeted community TB screening interventions for TB disease and HIV, and expansion of novel sensitive diagnostic tests are required.

Public support for the welfare state – and the policies constituting it – has long been a topic of research. Previous research on support for redistribution has tended to focus on how either country-level characteristics (particularly those relating to the macro-economy such as levels of economic development or income inequality) or individual-level political factors (such as left-right political orientation and sociodemographic factors) shape support for redistribution. To date, empirical research has insufficiently tested how macroeconomic context and individual political orientations interact. Research has also obscured whether the effects of macroeconomic context hold cross-sectionally (across country contexts) or longitudinally (within countries over time). Drawing on data from the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP), this article examines the cross-sectional (between-country) and longitudinal (within-country) interactive relationships involving economic development and income inequality (on one hand) and left–right political orientations (on the other) in shaping preferences for redistribution. Results indicate that there are larger left–right cleavages in attitudes in wealthier countries, more unequal countries, and countries where inequality is increasing. These findings challenge the dominant practice of focusing exclusively on additive effects of individual-level or country-level factors by showing the importance of paying attention to cross-level interactions.

Research into the causes of hurt feelings has generally examined the impact of single predictors. The current article builds on previous literature by examining the interactive effects of several key elements of hurtful events in predicting the intensity of hurt. Two studies using community samples of women examined interactions between the type of hurtful event, the importance of the perpetrator, and victim hurt-proneness in predicting variance in hurt intensity. Study 1 (n = 475) used a series of scenarios as the hurtful stimulus while Study 2 (n = 380) used a number of recalled hurtful events. Both studies replicated previous bivariate relationships between perpetrator importance and hurt-proneness and the intensity of hurt, while the first study also demonstrated a significant effect for type of hurtful event. Both studies also found a significant three-way interaction between these variables, indicating that victim hurt-proneness only predicted the intensity of hurt at lower levels of event severity and perpetrator importance. It is concluded that the experience of hurt is multidimensional and contextual. Future directions for research involving gender differences and interventions for individuals and couples are discussed.

In Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden, 413 sow herds were randomly selected for sampling. Faeces from pigs of 7 age groups/categories were examined for helminth eggs (11233 individual samples), and an accompanying questionnaire was completed at each visit. In total, 1138 pigs on 230 farms were found to be positive for Ascaris suum. Considerable differences in the occurrence of A. suum could be observed directly for several of 20 independent variables at the herd or category level. However, given that univariate analyses may be severely affected by confounding of covariates resulting in spurious inference, additional multivariate analyses were undertaken. An ordinary logistic regression on Ascaris positive/negative farms showed that Denmark had the highest frequency of infected herds, while Iceland and Finland had the lowest frequencies and that herds using ‘late weaning’ and ‘Class 2’ drugs (pyrantel, levamisole) were most often infected. Because many herds were found to be totally negative for A. suum, mixed hierarchical logistic-normal regression models (both the penalized quasi-likelihood and the Markov Chain Monte Carlo methods) were developed for both a full (all herds) and a reduced (the 230 infected herds) data set using either a cut-off of >0 eggs per gram (epg) or >200 epg to counter for false-positive egg counts. Estimates for identical models, but where the animal level variance was constrained to the binomial assumption, were also calculated. Significant covariates were robust to model development with ‘Age group’, ‘Country’, ‘Weaning age’, ‘Water system’ and simple interactions between the latter two and ‘Age group’ being significantly associated with the occurrence of A. suum, while all variables concerning anthelmintic drug, anthelmintic strategy, floor type, bedding, dung removal, washing and disinfection were not. These findings are discussed in the light of the complex relationship between A. suum and its pig host.