This article presents a comparative analysis of the productive performance of the modern Spanish iron and steel industry from its origins up to the Spanish Civil War. Three aspects are examined: the extent to which the industry had the potential to compete in world markets, whether or not Spanish mills applied new technologies to re-establish or maintain their competitivity and which elements limited or increased the advantage of their products. The analysis shows a revealed advantage in products intensive in iron ore. Part of this advantage can be traced back to preferential ore supply contracts. The limits to these preferential contracts introduced incentives for maintaining the reduced scale of Spanish installations. The attempt to gain control over home markets on behalf of Altos Hornos de Vizcaya may be related to these contractual limitations. The high profits reaped through the cartelisation of the industry and the wide margin of benefit obtained by producing within the scale of the preferential ore supply contracts provide an alternative explanation for the industry's performance in the period.

This paper analyses the system of transportation and discusses the effect of geography and transport infrastructure on transport costs and economic growth in Peru during the 19th and early 20th centuries. Using primary and secondary sources, I find that geography imposed difficult transport challenges on Peruvians during this period. There were no navigable rivers in coastal and highland regions, railroads were scarce and most roads were inadequate for wagons, sometimes even for horses and mules. As a result, transport costs were extremely high, which constituted a barrier to trade, reduced gains from specialisation and retarded economic growth. Therefore, high transport costs seem to be one important factor in explaining the low income levels of Peru in the early 20th century in spite of the country's large endowments of natural resources.

This monographic issue of the RHE-JILAEH presents new case studies in order to compare regions of Asia, Europe and the Americas through analysis of global demand for western goods in China (goods of European and American origin) as well as demand eastern goods (of Chinese and Indian origin) in Europe and the Americas. The global circulation of goods included accumulation of American silver in the hands of Chinese merchants and private institutions. Thus, this issue re-evaluates origins of the first globalisation during the 16th century, as opposed to the 1820s. Global trade networks and long-distance alliances in Asia, the Americas and Europe date back to the 16th century when Manila galleon routes were established.

En este documento se analiza la jerarquía urbana de Colombia y sus regiones utilizando información censal de entre 1835 y 2005. Se estudian tres aspectos: 1) la distribución del tamaño poblacional a través de las regularidades empíricas de Zipf y de Gibrat; 2) el cambio en el modelo de crecimiento poblacional, y 3) la validación empírica sobre la coincidencia de la dinámica poblacional para un país y sus regiones. Haciendo uso de la relación rango-tamaño y de técnicas no paramétricas, se encuentra coincidencia nacional y regional desde 1964 del cumplimiento de la ley de Zipf y parcialmente de la ley de Gibrat, lo cual evidencia un cambio en el modelo de crecimiento poblacional desde mediados del siglo XX en los ámbitos nacional y regional.

The article analyses the development of the coffee export business of the British company Edward Johnston & Co. in the years 1840-1880. Established in 1842 in the city of Rio de Janeiro, the firm's senior partner was the English merchant Edward Johnston. The departure of partners and the crisis of 1847 made Edward Johnston reorganise the firm in Brazil. In the 1850s, the company established itself as a family business based in Liverpool and then in London in the 1860s. The expansion of the coffee market in the United States made Edward Johnston create a network of firms which consolidated the company as a major exporter of Brazilian coffee by the late 1870s.

There has been a lot of research into the economic contribution of the periphery to European economic development during the early modern era. This paper estimates quantitatively the value added in the sugar trade from the Caribbean to Britain in the 18th century. The trade generated a value equivalent to around 1 per cent of British gross domestic product (GDP) by the early 18th century, growing to 4 per cent of GDP a century later. The results show that the sugar trade constituted a dynamic and rapidly growing part of the British economy, most importantly the tertiary sector.

The few works which talk about the transition from sail to steam in the Spanish merchant marine, analyze it in terms of decadence and failure. But these impressions do not pair with an analysis of the Spanish fleet from an international perspective: it was among the pionneers, together with Great Britain, to complete the technological modernization of its ships. The objective of this paper is to describe and explain the process of technical diffusion, the changes in the institutional framework, and the business strategy of Spanish shipowners in this context.

The telegraph has been of great importance in the development of commerce, both as a technical support of railways and as a means of accelerating the transmission of information and of cutting transaction costs in the firms. This article places the Spanish case, seldom considered by the literature, in a European context. It outlines the economic and institutional factors which affected the first Spanish telegraphic system. Unlike what happened with the railways and the telephone, the telegraph was state constructed and owned. For different reasons, Spain lagged behind other European countries in the evolution of the telegraphic service.

Desde hace ya años la economía española en la época de la Restauración borbónica está siendo un objeto de interés preferente entre los investigadores. Como cabia esperar —desde la optimista actitud del creyente en el progreso intelectual—, una concentración de esfuerzos semejante ha acabado por producir una cierta convergencia en los juicios sobre el período.

The Spanish pattern of economic growth during the last two centuries is quite unique. In the nineteenth century the country remained outside the process of industrialization, but during the twentieth century he has joined the small group of developed economies. This article tests the existence of discontinuities between 1850–1936 in the series of PNB, industrial production and private and public investment by utilizing recent developments in the econometric analysis associated with the work of Perron and Zivot and Andrews. The results confirm the continuity of the Spanish growth during the decades considered. However, they also show two breakpoint years: 1870 in the serie of industrial production and 1919 in the data of public investment.

El estudio de la economía española del siglo xix, según Jordi Nadal, ha de partir del supuesto de que el capital doméstico era escaso (2). No obstante, cuando se preguntó a James Rothschild, primer banquero de la época, en el otoño de 1865 sobre los préstamos extranjeros a España, contestó que cinco sextas partes de los empréstitos gestionados en el exterior habían ya vuelto a España (3). Ambas afirmaciones no son necesariamente incompatibles; pero la deducción es clara. Rothschild, cualquiera que fuera su opinión sobre la influencia de los financieros extranjeros en España, tendía a no valorar en exceso la cantidad real de la inversión extranjera en España.

Lo más destacado de la historiografía agraria española reciente es, tal vez, que se han empezado a superar las graves limitaciones que existían para un análisis riguroso de la dinámica del sector al haberse empezado a aportar, sobre todo por el GHR (Grupo de Historia Rural), una serie de estados sobre la producción y las superficies cultivadas, deducidos de fuentes oficiales empleadas críticamente. Esto último ha permitido realizar importantes trabajos sobre rendimientos y evolución del producto agrario, entre el último cuarto del siglo XIX y el segundo decenio del xx.

De entre las diverses relaciones contractuales establecidas en torno a la posesión y uso de la tierra, la medianería o aparcería es, sin duda, una de las más complejas. Así, desde Adam Smith hasta los neoclásicos, ha sido considerada desde una perspectiva fundamentalmente negativa —tesis compartida por algunos autores para el caso isleño —, en cuanto que reduce la capacidad de capitalización agraria por parte del propietario, al tiempo que el medianero se beneficia de dicha capitalización, pues no dispone de los recursos suficientes para proporcionar su correspondiente contribución al coste marginal de aquélla. Por su parte, el análisis marxista de la aparcería, enriquecido indudablemente desde su primitiva formulación, destaca su relevante significado en la fase de transición del feudalismo al capitalismo.

El artículo describe la transformatión de la venta al por menor a través de diversas botigues de teles de Barcelona con el fin de arrojar luz sobre la compositión de la oferta textil, por una pane, y, por otra, la evolución del crédito comercial y al consumo. Se pone de relieve que a lo largo del periodo estudiado aumentó y se diversificó la oferta de tejidos y creció la capacidad del botiguer para destinar recursos a financier la venta al fiado a sus clientes, entre los que se fue reforzando el protagonismo de los grupos menestrales.

This article explores the impact of Asian goods in the Rio de la Plata area through the navigation course of two frigates of the Royal Company of Phillipines, forced by the maritime conflict between the Spanish and British Empires, dock in the Southern estuary. Examining the value and traits of the shipment and the details of the ‘comercio de pacotilla’, this study analyzes the distribution of the goods from China, Philippines and in particular, India, in the port basin, the hinterland of the Viceroyalty, and its connections to the Alto Peruvian space, the trans-Andean region, and the Littoral way to Paraguay. This episode enables an understanding of the distribution of goods, as well as a more detailed recognition of the actors of this traffic and a renewed evaluation of the role of the company in the global market of Asian goods.

This paper deals with Anglo-Spanish trade and finances for the period c. 1810-1850. It concentrates on the business activities of a London merchant bank (Huth & Co. or Huth) with Spain during this period by paying special attention to the support given by Huth to the many bilateral trades between Spain and Britain in which the company participated. It also focuses on the support given by Huth to much trade in and out of Spanish ports but which did not go through British ports. This overall support included the provision of credit facilities, exchange rate brokerage, insurance services and commercial intelligence. In addition, the article covers the links between Huth and the Spanish crown, thanks to which the bank became an important conduit of Spanish investments in American securities before 1850. Huth was also the paymaster abroad for the Spanish state. In view of Huth's close connections to the Spanish economy during this period, it is perhaps surprising that this is the first study of this «Spanish» house in London.

This article presents, for the first time, a continuous series of value of Honduran exports and imports for the period 1880-1930, extending the series previously available from Notten (2012). The new series were constructed based on the official statistics of the main trading partners of Honduras (United States, Great Britain, Germany and France) corrected from Honduran and complementary sources. The correction criteria applied are based on the results of a previous reliability validation exercise. The data obtained allow to delimit a new chronology of the foreign trade of Honduras where the “export age” began before the banana export boom that took place between 1903 and 1930.

Six decades ago, Cuba initiated a momentous social and economic experiment. This paper documents the effects of the experiment on Cuban living standards. Before the revolution, Cuban income per capita was on a par with Ireland or Finland. Indeed, Cuba was one of the richest of the Spanish-speaking societies. Growth is glacially slow after the revolution as GDP per capita increased by 40 per cent between 1957 and 2017 equal to an annual growth rate of 0.6 per cent—among the lowest anywhere. To be sure, other dimensions of well-being such as education and health improved, yet broader welfare measures do not change the conclusion that the revolution impoverished Cuba relative to any plausible counter factual.