Most contemporary theories of revolution are derived from the analysis of conflict between social classes in racially homogeneous societies, and they may not be very illuminating when applied to situations of revolutionary struggle between racial groups. This is the problem I discuss in the present paper, and my purpose, in general, is to raise some questions concerning the applicability of theories of class revolution to racial revolution.

This essay is concerned with value perceptions of populations marginal to development. In accord with the usage found in United Nations documents, development here designates the move by a society toward self-sustaining economic growth and institutional modernization. Our interest centers on how marginals view the relationship between their own values and the images they have of visible benefits ordinarily associated with development—better housing and nutrition, easier access to jobs, schooling for all, and the like.

Opposition to science is always with us, but Jacques Ellul is a phenomenon of our time and is therefore an item with which I, as an investigator and a teacher, must reckon. The standard reaction, which has been followed by ninety-nine per cent or more of the fraternity, is to respond with the ‘silent treatment’. Anyone who speaks so imprecisely about science and its applications must not be serious. Arguments are tossed off in Ellul's books which have no explicit referents. No knowledgable person can use his own experience, or his capacity for constructing hypothetical experiments, to test the propositions.

The persistent vitality of groups that are neither traditional nor modern nor transitional poses one of the most stubborn conceptual and practical problems of political development. An examination of the political-religious sects of South Vietnam from the perspective of the paradox of non-modern and untraditional institutionalization questions the common hypothesis of unilinear development. It is facile to assume that such groups as tribes, castes, or millenarian movements will conveniently wither away under the onslaught of modernity or to condemn them as causes of the lack of development in the new states. Far from being aberrant vestiges of a past that is being overcome, the sects are but particular manifestations of historic and contemporary factionalism. What South Vietnam lacks is not a vigorous development of sub-national groups but a central government with responsive and directive capacity. Without such a center the concept of a system becomes meaningless and the sects have little reason for seeking security in interaction rather than incapsulation.

The concept of agrarian reform and its role in economic development have been crucial issues among scholars concerned with Third World problems. However, some clarity with regard to the cause and effect nature of agrarian reform is desirable. The purpose of this article is to critically assess past and current literature dealing with agrarian reform and its impact on agricultural development and social, political, and economic change. We will proceed by surveying the literature to determine: (1) where a consensus exists among scholars and officials regarding the concepts of agrarian reform and agricultural development; (2) the role assigned to agrarian reform in social and political development.