In all countries where the evidence is available, the educational performance of children looked after away from home falls markedly below that of their peers. In the recent years this has become a subject of intense debate. Is it an inevitable consequence of the adversity they have suffered before coming into care, and only to be expected given the characteristics of their families of origin? Or does the care system itself bear some responsibility? This question is not simply one of academic interest. Longitudinal research on social exclusion has shown the strong association between low levels of education and negative adult outcomes which disproportionately affect those with a background in care. This paper argues that efforts to narrow the gap in achievement between children in public care and their home-based peers will meet with little success as long as the problem is only tackled at the individual level. In an attempt to bring about systemic change, the English government in 2006 introduced a new concept: the Virtual School for “looked after” children. The Virtual School encompasses as pupils all children and young people in a particular area who are in public care, but has no physical existence other than an office base. The children continue to attend their own schools, which are responsible for their progress. Initially a difficult concept to grasp, the model now seems to be fully accepted and all local authorities in England are legally required to appoint a Virtual School Head (VSH). The article reviews the limited available research and offers an illustrative case study. In conclusion, it suggests that the virtual school may be a model with potential to help raise the attainment of children in care in countries other than England.

England's Catholic religious minority devised various strategies for its survival in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, including the establishment of seminaries and convents in continental Europe, predominantly in France and the Spanish Netherlands. These institutions educated the next generation of English Catholic clergy, nuns and lay householders. Although convent schools were usually small, the nuns educated young girls within their religious cloisters. The pupils followed a modified monastic routine, while they were taught the skills appropriate for young gentlewomen, such as music and needlework. While many students were placed in convents with the intention that they would become nuns, not all girls followed this trajectory. Some left the cloister of their childhood to join other religious houses or to return to England to marry and raise a new generation of Catholics. Although we have few first-hand accounts of these girls’ experiences, it is possible to piece together a sense of their lives behind cloistered walls from chronicles, obituaries and letters. While the exiled monastic life for children was difficult, surviving evidence points to the vital role of convent care in Catholic families’ strategies, and the acknowledgement of their importance by the girls placed there, whether temporarily or permanently.

The Australian Bureau of Statistics estimates that at 31 December 2011 there were 5,098,694 children and young people in Australia under the age of 18 years, while for the period 1 July 2011 to 30 June 2012, the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare's report on child protection indicates that there were 48,420 substantiated cases of child abuse and neglect in Australia. The likelihood is that almost 95 (94.96) per cent of Australian children and young people were not abused or neglected in that period; and this is a cause for national celebration. These figures are good reason to praise the parents and caregivers of the 5,050,274 children who were not abused or neglected. We argue that there is a need for an emphasis in the political debate about child protection that focuses on children who are not abused, in order for the issue of child abuse and neglect to be placed in proper perspective. The lack of perspective in the current dialogue simply results in an unending demand for more resources for detection-focused services. Instead, there has to be increased emphasis on preventative services for vulnerable families who fail to meet community child-rearing standards. These exacting standards of parenting can only be achieved through parent education and the provision of intensive and extensive family support services, combined with sensitive monitoring of at-risk families. Accordingly, this article is written in a dissenting voice.

This paper explores foster carers’ therapeutic capacities. This topic arises from advances in knowledge of the adverse effects of complex trauma on children’s social, emotional and cognitive development. A growing expectation of fostering agencies is that their carers work within a therapeutic framework. Knowledge of foster carers’ therapeutic capacities has importance, because while foster carers are the primary agents of therapeutic change for these children, the skills and processes in which they do so are not well understood. Eighteen foster carers who work within a therapeutic framework were interviewed about their perceptions of therapeutic care. Their responses were analysed using an ecological systems framework. Foundational to therapeutic care is the mesosystem, the relationship between the foster carer and the child. Key elements of this relationship are safety, trust and love. There are two other aspects to therapeutic care: the microsystem, which represents therapeutic capacities that foster carers exercise to help in the recovery of these children, and the exosystem, which includes the networks of support that foster carers require to exercise therapeutic care. This paper will present key findings relating to foster carers’ therapeutic capacities. I will also consider some key implications for fostering agencies.

There is a lack of research data about children with disabilities across the range of child and family welfare services. The study reported in this paper explored the extent and nature of disabilities in children in a variety of programmes within OzChild, an Australian welfare agency. Caseworkers and teachers working with children at the beginning of 2012 considered all children receiving services from their programmes. Of these 475 children, 200 were identified as having a disability. This article presents data on these 200 children and recommendations for improving outcomes for them. A major finding was that disability added further layers of complexity to already complex child–carer/family situations presenting to under-resourced practitioners and programmes. There was an extensive variety of disabilities across all programme areas, and varying proportions across programmes ranging from 29 per cent in kinship care and family services to 44 per cent of children in foster care. Data were suggestive of problems with some diagnoses, and the need for further research in these areas. The need to address questions of causation of environmentally based disability through preventative programmes, and a more targeted approach to families with multiple and complex needs were indicated. Lack of respite care was jeopardising some placements of children with severe disability. Lack of educational achievement and participation in social, cultural and recreational activities were identified, as were inequities in funding across different programme areas – all of which resulted in some children with disabilities continuing to be substantially disadvantaged. These data led to the generation of recommendations for changes to practice, programme and policy to improve outcomes for children.

Drawing on the findings of a Churchill Fellowship study tour, this article discusses the need to expand our understanding of family engagement and, in particular, to implement Family Inclusive practice in Australian child welfare, both to increase reunification and to improve outcomes for children who do not return home. I argue for this expansion through the integration of six key elements of Family Inclusive practice drawing on examples of practice and innovation from my study tour. This article commences with a discussion of the literature in support of family engagement and Family Inclusive practice. It is argued that we need to embrace an approach to Family Inclusive practice that acknowledges and addresses power imbalances, is contextualised and goes beyond relationships between workers and families. An exploration of the six elements of Family Inclusive practice follows, contributing to the understanding and practical application of Family Inclusive practice, with reference to initiatives in several countries visited during my study tour as well as to the literature more broadly. If these elements are integrated into child welfare practice and policy, they will contribute to Family Inclusive practice in the interests of children in Australia.

Removing a child from parental care is an important and difficult decision to make. There are far reaching consequences for the child and family. Whilst there is a plethora of literature in relation to child protection practice generally, research on decision making is minimal. In this practice paper, I present 12 decision-making criteria to assist practitioners make decisions about child removal. It is important for child protection practitioners to apply the same set of principles and consider the same factors when making these decisions. These criteria are as follows: the severity of the abusive incident; the presence of cumulative harm; whether the perpetrator has access to the child; the functioning of the parent; whether the perpetrator has been responsible for child abuse or intimate partner violence in the past; the cooperation of the parent; the intent of the perpetrator; the age of the child; the functioning of the child; the voice and expressed wishes of the child; protective relationships available to the child and the statutory requirement to cause no further harm. Referring to these criteria will assist practitioners be clear and explicit about how they reach a decision, and result in greater consistency of outcome for children and families.

This paper considers the challenges to social work students and their educators and to graduate social workers and their supervisors, of acquiring beginning-level confidence and competence in working with ‘other people’s families’. There is a review of important educational contributions to our understanding of the necessary and sufficient preparation for ‘pure and applied’ social work theory and practice with families. In this review, the writer describes the educational rationale for a ‘Family of Origin’ workshop which has been offered to social work students at the Universities of Sussex and Western Australia and to experienced practitioners in a Perth child and family welfare agency. Finally, the writer reflects on the intellectual and the emotional dimensions of knowing and doing in family-based practice – with particular reference to Family Group Conferencing.

Family Preservation Services, and in particular the intensive variety, have recently been attracting a lot of attention in Australia, with initiatives in at least four states. Along with the enthusiasm there has been some hostility and opposition. This paper examines the context in which the services originally developed and attempts to rationally assess their relevance for Australia.

This commentary aims to start a debate about various dimensions of social disadvantage and the relationship to child abuse and neglect (CAN). These dimensions include poverty, educational attainment, employment status, sub-standard housing, disadvantaged neighbourhoods and social isolation from family. Other aspects such as mental health issues, domestic violence and substance misuse are compounding factors that are critical influences on the relationship between disadvantage and CAN. New South Wales is used as the exemplar Australian state.

This paper describes a critical interpretive synthesis (critical review of the literature) exploring the ways children are described and represented in the homelessness and family violence literature regarding programmes. Authors' descriptions of children and their perceived needs are considered from individual, interpersonal and systemic positions, with an inherent focus on the influence of academic language and power in representing children. The articles reviewed here contained an abundance of negative descriptions of children's poor health, educational and developmental outcomes, but very little acknowledgement of children's personal resources and capacities in times of adversity. The programme goals and strengths-based therapeutic intentions described by the authors of these articles were not always congruent with the ways children were being represented in the early stages of the articles. We argue for a better balance in representing children's strengths alongside their challenges when describing their presentation and participation in programmes and research.

Integral to the protection of children against ongoing abuse and neglect and trauma experiences are teachers and school-based staff. This paper aims to discuss and reflect on the practice frameworks, models, approaches and programs that exist in mainstream school contexts to address the developmental and learning needs of children in primary schools who have experienced trauma in their early childhood years. This paper explores the importance of enablers, finding exceptions to the practices that often limit the support of ongoing protection of children in schools and the importance of the willingness, confidence and capacity of school-based staff. This paper proposes areas of future research to address the identified gaps existing for children with developmental trauma trying to learn and exist in a schooling system that is struggling to meet their needs.

A study of the meaning of adoption and permanent placement disruption for parents and social workers confirmed that the experience is extremely stressful over a long period of time.

Powerful themes evident through the process of the study were the influence on the placement of stress in the parents’ backgrounds; the maintenance of the family boundary; triangulation of relationships; the nature and quality of interactions between parents and social workers; relinquishment of a placed child; the immobilisation of possible support; and research as intervention.

This article is written by a non indigenous person who has spent a number of years working with Torres Strait Islanders and is currently working in Victoria on a project that has its origins in Maori child care practice. The author has found that his work as a white social worker has been markedly influenced by contact with both Torres Strait Islander and Maori culture, and considers that this effect has been both positive and beneficial. White social workers for a number of years have been guilty of implementing an assimilationist policy where Governments treat indigenous people as though they are the same as white Australians. While this can be considered an equal treatment model, this policy and practice has been detrimental to the unique contribution indigenous people can provide to social work knowledge and understanding of child care practices. This article intends to share some insight into both these cultures and to hopefully influence readers to be more open when considering their dealings with indigenous people. Particular attention will be given to Torres Strait Islanders as they are indigenous Australians, with additional reference made to the influence of the Maoris in New Zealand.

Over the last 25 years (1990–2015), the number of adoptions of children (and young persons) in Australia declined from 1,142 to 292 (25.5 %). Of the 292 adoptions that took place in 2014–15, 83 (28%) were inter country adoptions, with the remaining 209 (72 %) adoptions of Australian children. Very few of the adoptions of Australian children were in New South Wales. In amendments in 2014 to the New South Wales Children and Young Persons (Care and Protection) Act 1998 and the Adoptions Act 2000, a new emphasis on ‘open’ adoption was introduced. The focus of these amendments is on adoption of children who are in foster care where the New South Wales Children's Court has ruled that there is no realistic possibility of restoration of the child to parental care. This article is about the implementation of this new legislative emphasis on adoption. It does not examine the benefit or otherwise of adoption for children who cannot be safely restored to parental care as this issue has been extensively canvassed elsewhere. This article also highlights the US and English experience of adoption from care in order to place the New South Wales development in perspective. The article concludes with discussion of the issues adoption raises for the parents of a child who is being considered for adoption from care.

There is growing evidence to support our understanding of adolescent violence in the home, however, there is a paucity of research about child-perpetrated violence that occurs within the context of kinship care. In 2017, Baptcare commenced research with 101 kinship carers in Victoria to gain a better understanding of how family violence was impacting on children and families. This research included a focus on child-perpetrated violence directed towards carers once the kinship placement commenced. In this context, family violence means any act of physical violence, emotional/psychological violence, verbal abuse and property damage caused by the child. This study utilised an online survey and semi-structured interviews that specifically targeted kinship carers who had direct experience of family violence. Findings demonstrated the disturbing types of child-perpetrated violent and aggressive behaviours kinship carers experienced. The data indicates that incidents of violence occurred early in the placement, they occurred frequently, and carers experienced multiple acts of violence from the child. The impact of the violence on the carer's household is significant in terms of the carer's health, wellbeing and placement stability. Further, the findings highlight the transgenerational nature of family violence in the context of kinship care in Victoria. The study described in this paper is the first step in understanding and exposing this complex issue and draws attention to some of the significant issues confronting Victorian kinship families experiencing family violence. This paper will describe the approach that Baptcare is taking to address family violence in its kinship-care programs.

All children have the right to have sexuality education in order to enhance their self-understanding, their developing maturity and their self-concept. In the past, parents and some schools have provided this, usually as formal school programs. However, many children receive sexuality education informally from other sources such as peers, television, magazines and books. The technology available in the information age provides yet another source. The Internet has a growing number of sites specifically for sexuality education for children and pre-schoolers. Here, a selection of relevant sites is identified and presented for their developmental appropriateness. The opportunities these promote are almost limitless for children's enhanced personal understanding and knowledge-base upon which further development will occur in their teenage years and beyond.

There is rising interest in children's activity levels and the relationship between health, physical activity and their environments – in particular, their ‘obesogenic’ environments. This paper presents the results of a qualitative study of 71 school children in Dunedin, New Zealand, the purpose of which was to discover whether they liked walking. The study found that, whilst many children do like walking, they are not permitted to walk much, nor to many places. Some walk to school, but their overall levels of walking are low due to a combination of factors relating to concerns for their safety and to the need for children to fit in with increasingly complex, car-dependent family lives.