This article surveys the first five decades of the Journal/Revue, with particular emphasis on patterns of change and continuity. The article presents a quantitative analysis of the articles published in the Journal/Revue, looking at, among other things, the balance of articles published in English and in French, the proportion of articles authored by women, the location and institutional affiliation of authors and the subject matter of published articles. Significant continuities emerge from the data, such as the predominance of Canadian-based authors writing on aspects of Canadian politics and the dominance of authors from large research-intensive universities. Yet change is also evident, for example in the number of women publishing in the Journal/Revue and in the emergence of articles in subfields not found in the Journal/Revue’s earlier days, most notably Aboriginal politics, gender and politics, and race and ethnicity.

The literature on economic sanctions consists of a series of studies assessing whether sanctions ''worked'' or not. Very little has been written on the factors that make economic sanctions more effective at achieving their intended purposes. This article examines the threatened 1979 Arab world boycott of Canada after Prime Minister Joe Clark announced the government's intention to relocate its embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. After determining that sanctions played a contributing role in motivating a Canadian policy reversal, it generates hypotheses from this misunderstood case about the political and economic factors that can contribute to the success of economic sanctions.

Abstract. Canada's military engagement in Afghanistan continues to figure highly in the public consciousness, spurring debate on perceived progress and the public's willingness to bear casualties. Despite the many political considerations at play, there is an emotional core to the issue that is often overlooked. In an earlier paper we found public support for the Afghanistan mission to depend in large part on emotive responses, although our analysis was restricted by the limited number of emotional indicators in the data (Fletcher et al., 2009). In this paper, we investigate a broader range of emotional influences on attitudes toward the mission through the use of field research on the Highway of Heroes and experimental framing of casualty-based imagery with student samples. Our findings reveal that Canadians' emotional responses to the repatriation of fallen soldiers reflect a distinctive composite of sadness and pride; the consequence of which is to undercut support for Canada's traditional peacekeeping role, a position negatively related to support for the Afghan mission. When compared with studies conducted in the US (Gartner, 2008a, 2011; and Huddy et al., 2007) our findings suggest some ways in which Canadians and Americans form distinct emotional communities (Rosenwein, 2006) in reactions to war.

Résumé. L'engagement militaire du Canada en Afghanistan demeure un sujet important dans l'esprit du public en alimentant les nombreux débats entourant les progrès sur le terrain et l'acceptation des pertes militaires. Malgré les nombreux angles d'analyse utilisés pour investiguer ce sujet, il est rare que la dimension émotionnelle soit étudiée directement. Dans un article publié précédemment, nos résultats indiquèrent que l'appui populaire pour la mission canadienne en Afghanistan dépendait largement des réponses émotives associées à cette dernière (Fletcher, Bastedo et Hove, 2009). Toutefois, cette analyse se trouvait restreinte par le nombre limité d'indicateurs émotionnels disponibles. Cet article comble cette lacune en étudiant un ensemble élargi d'influences émotionnelles sur les attitudes envers la mission militaire afghane. Pour ce faire, nous avons effectué une recherche de terrain sur l'Autoroute des héros ainsi qu'une expérience en laboratoire sur un échantillon d'étudiants. Nos résultats révèlent que l'exposition à des images montrant des soldats canadiens tombés au combat provoque des réponses émotionnelles mêlant tristesse et fierté. L'effet de cette réaction serait d'affaiblir l'appui pour un rôle de maintien de la paix traditionnellement joué par le Canada et, par le fait même, de renforcer l'appui pour la mission afghane. Lorsque l'on compare nos résultats aux études effectuées à ce sujet aux États-Unis (Gartner, 2008a, 2011; and Huddy et al., 2007), nos conclusions suggèrent que les Canadiens et les Étatsuniens forment des communautés émotionnelles (Rosenwein, 2006) distinctes lorsqu'il est question de leurs réactions à la guerre.

How accessible are polling locations in Canada? This article explores, for the first time in the Canadian context, the distance that voters may travel to get to their polling stations. It assembles a new set of data from the province of Ontario, mapping the distance between polling locations and a representative point in the polling division, using a variety of measures, including walking, driving and public transit times. It estimates the relationship between these distances and travel times and socio-demographic characteristics of each polling division, finding noteworthy relationships between these distances and the percentage of minority populations (both immigrant and Indigenous) in the polling division. This article also presents a potential negative, but nonlinear, relationship between distances and travel times and turnout, contributing to our understanding of how voters’ rational calculus of voting may be related to the locations of polling stations.

During the election of April, 1963, Liberal speeches and editorials tended to depict minority government (that is, government by a cabinet with less than half the seats in the House of Commons) as a nameless, faceless horror, the political fate that is worse than death. The authors of these productions are now hard at work trying to prove themselves wrong. They may not find it easy. For they face three deeply rooted popular notions on the subject; indeed, it was precisely because these notions were so widespread and so deeply rooted that the appeal to vote for a winner proved so powerful.

The first is that minority governments are altogether exceptional, abnormal, almost unheard of, except, of course, among benighted continental Europeans and other “lesser breeds without the Law.” This is simply not so. We have had relatively few minority governments, colonial, Dominion, or provincial, in Canada; but Britain, Australia, and New Zealand have had plenty. Britain, from 1834 to 1931, had sixteen, which held office for a total of thirty-two years out of the ninety-seven. In Australia, before federation, minority governments were the rule rather than the exception in New South Wales, South Australia, and Tasmania till the 1890's, and in Victoria till the 1880's (New South Wales often had three or four governments in a single Parliament, South Australia four or five), and there have been plenty of minority governments in the states since federation. The Commonwealth itself had nothing but minority governments (six of them) from its inception till 1909, and another as recently as 1941–43. Minority governments were the rule also in New Zealand till the 1890's (one Parliament saw six governments). So it can scarcely be maintained, rationally, that minority government is something monstrous and unnatural, foreign to the whole spirit of British parliamentary institutions.

A recurring lament in commemorations of classic works is that they are so well known that little remains to be said about them. This is certainly not true of Marx's Capital. Its difficult method of presentation, the numerous myths about it which have grown up over the years, and recent tendencies to mathematicize popular conceptions of Marxian economics in lieu of digging into Marx's own writings have together made this work almost as little understood today as it has ever been. Böhm-Bawerk's famous “refutation” of Marx's “labour theory of value” continues to be reproduced, along with the economic “breakdown” of capitalism theory, the “dialectical” forces at work, and all the old familiar cast of fictitious characters. If one accepts the cynical definition of a classic as a work that everyone talks about and no one reads, there is certainly no more classic work in economics than Capital. The hundredth anniversary of its publication seems an appropriate time to reexamine not only the book itself but also the beliefs about it which have acquired a life-almost an immortality-of their own.

Until last August, it was widely assumed that the Dominion's power to disallow provincial Acts was fast becoming obsolete. No disallowance had taken place since 1924; and the minister of justice, the Right Honourable Ernest Lapointe, speaking in the House of Commons on March 30, 1937, had said : “For many years the power of disallowance has not been resorted to by the government of Canada…. I do not think that in a federation such as this the power of disallowance could be exercised by the central government.” On the question of reservation of provincial bills, there was no official pronouncement; but as there had been no case of reservation since 1920, the same dictum would doubtless have been considered to apply to that power also. On August 17, 1937, the Dominion government disallowed three Alberta Acts, and two months later the lieutenant-governor of Alberta reserved three bills for the signification of the governor-general's pleasure. The discussion which arose out of these events has been more remarkable for heat than light. It seems pertinent, therefore, to try to set down clearly the constitutional law and practice governing these two powers, and incidentally the lieutenant-governor's power to refuse the royal assent outright.

Although philanthropy has been important in many societies, it is safe to say that it has never played such a prominent role, nor become such an elaborate part of the social structure, as it has in twentieth-century North America. Much has been written on it, particularly in recent years, and many reasons have been given for its development, but there has been little scientific analysis of it as a social activity, nor interest in its relations to the social order. The purposes of this paper are threefold: to trace the development of organized philanthropy since the beginning of the century in a Canadian city, here called Wellsville; to analyse how the philanthropic pattern has become elaborated and integrated into the structure of the community; and to assess the function which this organized activity fulfils for both the individual and various groups in the community.

Before the twentieth century, philanthropy in Canada was a haphazard affair, and except for the few individual donors who occasionally gave large sums of money for the cause of religion, health, or education, “giving” was mainly confined to the poor and indigent. Today vast sums of money are continuously being raised by the combined efforts of large numbers of voluntary collectors for an infinite number of purposes. Thus in a relatively short period of time “giving,” once the prerogative of the pious and wealthy, has become part of the common experience of a large proportion of the population of any modern city or large town. With the increase in giving has come the increased participation of many people in the actual work of collecting money through the media of highly organized, money-raising campaigns.

Abstract. In this article, I argue that Louis Riel is a necessary invention for the production of Canadian sovereignty. The argument builds on the work of Giorgio Agamben. I see Riel as a Canadian version of homo sacer, “who may be killed but not sacrificed,” and thereby serves as the exception that proves the rule of Canadian sovereignty. I carry out this argument in three stages, focusing first on Riel's exile in 1870 after the Red River Rebellion. I then bring Agamben's insights into an examination of the tensions between French and English Canada over Riel's execution in 1885. Finally, I look at the contemporary exaltation of Riel, focusing on the two statues that have occupied the legislative grounds in Winnipeg, which, when considered in tandem, serve as a metaphor for the relationship between liberal and colonial dynamics in Canada political history. The liberal–colonial relationship is key to Riel's ambivalent standing in contemporary Canadian political life.

Résumé. Dans cet article, je tente de démontrer, en m'appuyant sur le travail de Giorgio Agamben, que Louis Riel est une invention qui fut nécessaire à la création de la souveraineté canadienne. Pour moi, Riel est un homo sacer version canadienne, quelqu'un qui peut être éliminé mais non sacrifié et qui, par conséquent, représente l'exception qui confirme la règle de la souveraineté canadienne. Mon argumentaire se développe en trois étapes, mettant d'abord l'emphase sur l'exil de Louis Riel en 1870, à la suite de la rébellion de la Rivière-Rouge. En tenant compte du point de vue d'Agamben, j'analyse ensuite les tensions entre francophones et anglophones exacerbées par l'exécution de Louis Riel en 1885. Enfin, je jette un regard sur la réhabilitation de Riel dans le Canada contemporain en comparant les deux statues qui ont tour à tour orné le Palais législatif à Winnipeg. On ne peut s'empêcher d'y voir une métaphore de la relation entre les dynamiques libérale et coloniale à travers l'histoire de la politique canadienne, cette relation étant un élément clé pour comprendre le statut ambivalent de Riel dans la politique canadienne contemporaine.

Abstract. The Canadian party system exhibits both “stable dealignment,” defined as directionless volatility and relative stability. But the boundary between the system's orderly and disorderly parts is not that clear in conventional wisdom, which contrasts big, inclusive parties with small parties representing ideas or interests. In fact, the relatively stable parties have been the NDP and the Liberals, in contrast to the Conservatives and a rotating cast of province- or region-specific insurgents. Volatility is a feature mainly of Quebec and the West and is greater in federal than in provincial elections. But geographic divergence is greater in provincial elections. The paper proposes a research program to account for Canada's coexistence of opposites.

Résumé. Le système de partis politiques canadien présente à la fois un «désalignement stable», défini comme une volatilité sans direction, et une relative stabilité. Cependant, la frontière entre les parties ordonnées et désordonnées du système n'est pas stylisée comme le veut la sagesse populaire qui contraste grands partis inclusifs et petits partis représentant des idées ou des intérêts particuliers. En fait, ce sont le NPD et les libéraux qui représentent les partis relativement stables du système en opposition au Parti conservateur et à une série de partis « insurgés » spécifiques à une province ou à une région. La volatilité est quant à elle principalement une caractéristique du Québec et des provinces de l'Ouest tout en étant plus présente sur le plan fédéral que provincial. La divergence géographique est toutefois plus grande aux élections provinciales. Cet article propose donc un programme de recherche afin de mieux expliquer la coexistence de ces contraires au Canada.

Few studies have focused on the Canadian context to examine the political impacts of personality. Even though the Canadian Election Study (CES) has measured the Big Five personality traits since 2011, very few studies have taken advantage of this data to assess personality's political role among the Canadian electorate. Using CES data from the three latest elections (2011, 2015 and 2019), we first explore how reliable the measurement of personality is. Except for agreeableness in 2015, the correlations across the personality items are similar to what is typically found in the literature. We next examine how personality affects ideology and partisan identity in the Canadian context. We show that a two-dimensional measurement of ideology refines our understanding of the impacts of personality on ideology. The findings also suggest that personality plays an essential role in forming ideology in Canada but has a limited impact on partisanship.

Abstract. This study provides data to answer a number of important questions concerning the financing of the three main political parties at the federal level between 1974 and 1984. It analyzes both the regulated campaign expenditures by parties and candidates and the unregulated party expenditures outside official campaign periods. The main focus is on the importance of different sources of contributions to each party: individuals, corporations, trade unions, and interest groups. New details are provided on large contributions by individuals and corporations, and on the contributions of the largest 500 nonfinancial enterprises in Canada. Finally, the study notes that despite new federal legislation concerning political contributions and expenditures in 1974 the relationship between contributions and influence remains shrouded in secrecy.

The paucity of econometric analyses of the demand for consumer durables stands in sharp contrast to the number of studies involving the demand for non-durables, and for agricultural commodities in particular. The neglect of durables undoubtedly reflects in part the greater difficulty of obtaining the necessary data, especially data on stocks, and in part the heterogeneity of most durables, such as houses or automobiles. Econometric analysis in the post-war period has also been centred around the construction of large-scale macro-economic models. Until rather recently, however, such models were relatively highly aggregated, and seldom involved examination of particular durables markets by themselves. Moreover, where an equation for the housing market has been included, it has often been a hybrid of supply and demand forces, intended to serve in a “forecasting” role, presumably in the hope that appreciable structural change would not occur during the forecast period.

The present study will, it is hoped, cast some light on the controversy generated in the United States over the size of demand elasticities for housing with respect to income. The results of the econometric techniques employed here may also assist in evaluating the appropriateness of alternative estimating techniques for the study of demand for durables.

An econometric analysis of the demand for housing immediately raises two questions. First, is it a flow or a stock demand that is to be analysed? Here it is the demand for a long-run equilibrium stock, the “desired stock” of housing, that is the focus of concern.

This article investigates the nature and role of authority contests—the claims and counterclaims about whose ideas matter on policy debates and via what procedures they should be heard—in policy paradigm contestation, reform and abandonment. Examining the authority contests around prairie Canada's grain marketing policy illustrates an additional pathway—a value-driven model—to Hall's model of endogenous policy anomalies. It further documents differences across governments in how they resolve contentious policy debates, showing that governments make fewer efforts to supplement their own representational authority with expert and/or popular authority when they enjoy majoritarian support from the affected region than when they do not and when their support for paradigm change is value-driven rather than a response to policy anomalies.