This note traces the reasoning behind Riker's addenda to Duverger's law, which exempts Canada and India from its general determinism. Characteristics common to Canada and India, but not to other countries using the plurality electoral system, are examined. The study finds that the uniqueness of those two federal nations employing the simple-majority system lies in the dominance of one national party, the weakness of the conventional alternative governing party, and the persistence of ideological parties of the left.

It is only natural that Canada should most frequently be compared with the United States, and that models, metaphors, and theories of the political system that are applicable to the one should be assumed to be applicable to the other. That there are certain close similarities is obvious: both are federations, both span the North American continent, both are affluent Western democracies, and both exist within the common economic framework of modern capitalism. These and other similarities, however, too often obscure the significance of those differences which do exist, or cause similarities which exist with other countries to be neglected. This is particularly true of European countries, even though it would appear to be the case that Canadians, with their strong linguistic and cultural differences, have a good deal in common with at least some Europeans. This is not to say that Canada is more European than American. It is merely to suggest that there may be some advantages to be gained from occasionally viewing Canadian politics from a European perspective.

This article re-evaluates Graham Allison's approach to bureaucratic politics in the second edition of his Essence of Decision, authored with Philip Zelikow. Although the renewed analytical framework still appears to be an excellent tool for describing policy decision-making processes, the numerous criticisms it received in the past with respect to its difficult operationalization is a problem left unsolved. To respond to this major difficulty, the author of this article combines Vincent Lemieux's structuration of power with Allison's approach. In order to validate the ensuing model, an empirical test is then conducted using the case study of the 1987 Canadian White Paper on Defence. This original proposition opens up avenues of research in the fields of foreign as well as public policy making.

Abstract. In recent years, elites in the Canadian Nuclear Waste Management Organization (NWMO), Nova Scotia Power Incorporated (NSP) and Toronto Community Housing Corporation (TCHC) held consultations based on principles of deliberative democracy with members of their affected publics. I explore five factors that may help us understand why some elites are inclined to empower members of their affected publics. These factors can be understood as characteristics of each policy context and include normative principle, public pressure, policy requirement, strategic management interest, and economic interest. Based on a comparative case study of a series of semi-structured interviews with a range of actors, written public submissions, and official reports, I identify these as pertinent factors and argue that the convergence of the economic interests of the organization and the deliberative empowerment of its affected public is critical. This examination serves constructively in helping us better understand a persistent gap between the theoretical aims and practical instantiations of deliberative democracy.

Résumé. Au cours des dernières années, les élites dirigeantes de la Société canadienne de gestion des déchets nucléaires, de la Nova Scotia Power Inc. et de la Société de logement communautaire de Toronto ont tenu des séances de consultation fondées sur les principes de la démocratie délibérative avec les membres concernés par leurs politiques. J'examine cinq facteurs qui peuvent nous aider à mieux comprendre pourquoi certains décideurs sont enclins à reconnaître un droit de regard aux membres touchés par leurs politiques. Ces facteurs peuvent être analysés en tant que caractéristiques des contextes particuliers de chaque politique concernée et incluent les dimensions liées aux principes normatifs, aux pressions publiques, au contenu des politiques, à la gestion stratégique des intérêts et aux enjeux économiques. À l'aide d'une étude comparative de cas comprenant des entretiens semi-dirigés avec divers acteurs, des soumissions publiques écrites et des rapports officiels, je présente ces dimensions à titre de facteurs pertinents et soutiens que la convergence des intérêts économiques des organisations et le pouvoir de délibération accordé au public concerné revêtent une importance cruciale. Cet examen se révèle constructif et nous aide à mieux comprendre le fossé persistant entre les finalités théoriques et la mise en pratique de la démocratie délibérative.

In contrast to recent commentators on Quentin Skinner's Foundations of Modern Political Thought, this work argues that Skinner's approach to the development of the modern theory of the state is strictly consistent with his earlier methodological proposals. But it is also established that Skinner's consistency ultimately leaves him without a “genuinely historical” basis for a unified state-tradition within late medieval and early modern Europe. The article proposes an alternative historical methodology which allows for the explanation of persisting traditions of discourse (such as that of the state) within a coherent historical framework.

Arguments advancing the merits of Aboriginal Electoral Districts (AEDs) for Canada are informed by the view that the democratic integration of Aboriginal peoples into the institutions of the state ought to occur on the basis of their group-differentiated citizenship. This study advances the thesis that the attempt to fuse the conventional concern for democratic equality with a model of representation based on difference such as that offered by AEDs is to try to harmonize objectives that strain significantly against one another and thus are largely incompatible. AEDs are unsustainable as vehicles for the representation of Aboriginal peoples within Parliament because they are too tightly bound to a representational norm linked to a commitment to voter equality which, when measured against the normative thrust of differentiated representation, imposes a high degree of homogenization upon the citizenship of Aboriginal peoples.

Abstract. This paper argues that Foucault's proposed positive program of practical critique in his later work, which he calls ‘critical ontology,’ provides a response to his critics. The goal of critical ontology is to “separate out, from the contingency that has made us what we are, the possibility of no longer being, doing or thinking what we are, do, or think.” However, it may be objected that, since Foucault emphasizes going beyond contingencies, it appears that he is guilty of committing a kind of genetic fallacy. I will defend Foucault against such a charge by using concepts and practices in child development as an illustration. The example of child development is fitting for political theorizing because the development model of childhood is now central to the practices and policies of healthcare providers, social workers and educators. Such practices and policies aim to enhance the abilities of individuals to be both citizens and autonomous agents. Yet the effects of these policies on individuals are not always positive. The paper concludes with a discussion of the implications of critical ontology for practices grounded in the model of child development.

Résumé. Cet article cherche à démontrer que le programme positif de critique pratique que Foucault propose dans ses derniers ouvrages, et qu'il qualifie d'une “ontologie critique,” constitue une réponse à ses détracteurs. Le but de cette ontologie critique est de dégager “de la contingence qui nous a fait être ce que nous sommes la possibilité de ne plus être, faire ou penser ce que nous sommes, faisons ou pensons”. Néanmoins, il est possible d'objecter que Foucault commet une sorte d'erreur génétique, puisqu'il insiste sur la nécessité de dépasser les contingences. Je cherche à defendre Foucault contre cette accusation en utilisant les concepts et pratiques du développement des enfants comme illustration. L'exemple du développement des enfants convient à la théorie politique puisque le modèle d'aménagement de l'enfance est maintenant au coeur des pratiques et des politiques de ceux qui travaillent dans les secteurs de la santé, de l'aide social, et de l'éducation. Telles pratiques et politiques ont comme but d'accroître la capacité des individus d'agir en même temps comme citoyens et des êtres autonomes. Pourtant, les effets de ces politiques sur des individus ne sont pas toujours bénéfiques. L'article se conclut par une analyse des implications d'une ontologie critique pour des pratiques fondées sur le modèle du développement des enfants.

Over the last several decades, nationalist movements in liberal democracies have challenged their community's relationship with the state. One such case that has drawn relatively little attention is Puerto Rico. A peculiar feature of Puerto Rican politics is that powerful nationalism coexists with several distinct status options: a reform of the current Commonwealth, statehood (becoming an American state), free association and independence. This article examines the various sources for Puerto Rican nationalism and discusses the relationship between nationalism and each of the status options. It also explains why none of the options has succeeded in gathering majority support amongst Puerto Ricans and why, therefore, the constitutional status quo has so far remained on the island.

Abstract. In January 2008, the Toronto District School Board (TDSB) voted to establish Afrocentric education. Earlier proposals dating back to the early 1990s, however, garnered little response from the board. Why was the TDSB suddenly more amenable to the idea? We argue that the death of Jordan Manners acted as a focusing event that triggered concern regarding school safety and the challenges facing Black youth in Toronto, altering the policy climate and opening a window of opportunity for change. This analysis furthers conceptualizations of the connections between focusing events, policy entrepreneurs, the viability of alternative proposals, and the catalysts that facilitate policy change.

Résumé. En janvier 2008, le Conseil Scolaire du District de Toronto (CSDT) a voté en faveur de l'établissement d'un programme d'éducation afro-centrée. Des propositions précédentes remontant au début des années 1990 avaient suscité peu d'intérêt de la part du Conseil. Pourquoi le CSDT s'est-il soudainement montré réceptif à cette idée? Nous considérons que le décès de Jordan Manners a servi d'épisode marquant qui a suscité de fortes préoccupations quant à la sécurité à l'école et aux défis auxquels font face les jeunes noirs à Toronto. Cet évènement marquant a contribué à modifier le climat politique et à ouvrir une fenêtre d'opportunité propice au changement. Cette analyse conceptualise de plus les liens entre épisodes marquants, entrepreneurs politiques, la viabilité de différentes propositions et les catalyseurs qui facilitent le changement politique.

Cicero's great reputation as a political thinker has sharply declined in the twentieth century. Commentators, if treating him at all, usually focus briefly on his ethical ideas and neglect the significant economic dimension of his thought. In view of the importance of the conception of property in the history of political theory. Cicero deserves to be taken more seriously today by political scientists. An “economic individualist” who recommended the enlightened pursuit of self-interest and defended property differentials, he was the first major political thinker to conceive of the protection of private property as the primary purpose of the state.

Abstract. Many people in Canada are frightened by the right of local self-government, because they are afraid of the privatization of public authority. This article suggests that municipalities can be otherwise conceived, and that a right of local self-government can be vindicated without impairing the capacity of the state or encouraging a debilitating privatism. The key is to understand that municipalities can be non-exclusive public authorities, on a different register from the state or civil society.

Résumé. La crainte de la privatisation des pouvoirs publics mène de nombreux Canadiens et Canadiennes à redouter le droit à l'autonomie gouvernementale locale. Cet article suggère qu'il est possible d'envisager les municipalités autrement, et qu'on peut justifier le droit à l'autonomie gouvernementale locale sans faire entrave aux compétences de l'État et sans encourager un privatisme débilitant. L'important est de comprendre que les municipalités peuvent exercer un pouvoir public non exclusif dans leur propre zone de compétence, jouant sur un registre différent de celui de l'État ou de la société civile.

This article considers the relationship between rights and federalism in the Supreme Court of Canada's review of cases invoking the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. It considers whether the Supreme Court of Canada has compromised provincial autonomy by establishing Canada-wide standards in provincial areas of jurisdiction. It suggests that the centralization thesis associated with judicial review on Charter grounds is inconclusive, and combining several processes under the rubric of centralization, it misrepresents the Charter's effect on Canadian federalism and provincial autonomy. Further, the centralization thesis has lost much momentum during the course of Charter review, and, as a result, is a limited approach to understanding the relationship between rights and federalism in Canada. Specifically, the Supreme Court of Canada has demonstrated sensitivity to federalism in its Charter jurisprudence, most evident in a complex jurisprudence that has served to offset the centralization thesis and its implications for provincial autonomy. This threepart federalism jurisprudence is federalism as gatekeeper, an explicit federalism jurisprudence and an implicit federalism jurisprudence, which is most evident in the relationship between criminal rights and provincial responsibility for the administration of justice. This article demonstrates that the Court's approach to Charter review has seen a reconciliation between rights and federalism, most evident in the declining importance of the centralization thesis and the growing importance of the three-part federalism jurisprudence during Charter review. This sensitivity to federalism has existed since the beginning of the Court's Charter jurisprudence but has largely been overshadowed by the dominance of the centralization thesis in the Charter debate.

In this paper I propose to examine the placement policies of Canadian life insurance companies, and the campanies' place in the Canadian capital market, during the period of rapid agricultural and industrial development which preceded the First World War. It is no longer possible to maintain, as Buckley could maintain in his study of capital formation, that before the War Canada had a very undeveloped domestic capital market. McIvor's recent work has increased our knowledge of Canadian financial history, a subject strangely neglected since the work of Shortt and Breckenridge some sixty years ago. Kilbourn's study of the Steel Company of Canada has provided valuable evidence on the early stirrings of our capital market. I have argued elsewhere that these stirrings were both vigorous and significant for Canadian economic development before 1914, and that particularly in the field of government finance they cannot sensibly be ignored. The following pages discuss selected aspects of the financial history of this most interesting period. I shall try to show not only what the life insurance companies were doing with their funds but why they were doing what they did. The paper concludes with some reflections on the social rationality of their investment policies.

First, some description of the Canadian life insurance companies themselves. By 1895 they already bulked large on the domestic scene, though not so large as the chartered banks. Their assets were valued at $32,000,000 in 1895, and their annual premium income then amounted to $5,703,000 from domestic business and $595,000 from foreign business. By 1914 the companies' assets were worth $257,800,000, their annual domestic premium income was $26,047,000, and their foreign premium income was $12,680,000. Throughout this period they faced vigorous competition from British and especially from American firms, which collected 45 per cent of the total Canadian life insurance premia in 1895 and 40 per cent in 1914.

We propose to examine herein the position of the French and the English in the hierarchy of the economic structure. Not occupation as such, but positions of control are the centre of interest. Something of what we have in mind is indicated in the following quotation: “[Since] economic activity is quite as much organized through systems of administrative or canalizing controls as it is by the market, it is impossible to outline the structure of American economy without covering the structure of such controls. … In the conduct of economic activity the controls exercised by individuals or groups arise from three main sources: possession of one or more of the factors of production, possession of liquid assets, and position in relation to a functioning organization.”

It is common knowledge among the residents of Quebec that the English exercise a greater share of financial control than their proportion of the population would warrant. The English and French are quite conscious of this difference and each have their accepted clichés for describing or explaining it. As yet no detailed analysis has been made of the measure of this financial control or of the ways in which it has been exercised. Nor has any previous study shown just how important the ethnic factor is in the structure of financial control. In this study our analysis is confined to Montreal.

Michel Foucault offered his readers an “analytics of power” and later began a “genealogy of the subject.” The two tasks were related, and both were premised on Foucault's rejection of traditional modes of political thought or reason. This article explores Foucault's attack on political rationality, something here called Foucault's triple murder: that is, his rejection of the role played in political thought by the ideas of sovereignty, History (as a predictable evolutionary or revolutionary process) and Man (as a transcendental subject). Foucault's restructuring of political thought is shown to be the foundation of his work.

This article summarizes the conclusions of a comparative study of the environmental policy experiences of two Canadian provinces, Alberta and Ontario, in the period 1971–1993. The examination led to the conclusion that there is a pattern of environmental politics and policy-making common to both provinces, although it emerges at a different pace. This divergence is a function of well-known societal differences between the two provinces. Furthermore, in the Ontario and Alberta experiences, the policy-making capacity of the state can be seen to be severely challenged by the cross-sectoral nature of environmental policy issues. A number of observations regarding the effects of federal-provincial relations and of American influences on environmental policy-making at the provincial level in Canada are also possible.