Existing literature assumes a link between voting and individuals’ political socialization, but no study has explored how political upbringing affects the most important attitudinal predictor of turnout: the duty to vote. Following previous research about the formation of attitudes related to the electoral process and social norms, this study focuses on the socialization agencies and dynamics that might first instill the belief during childhood that voting is a duty. The study also intends to contribute to political socialization theory by adopting a longitudinal perspective, by building upon developmental psychology theory and by simultaneously considering the two main childhood socialization agencies: family and school. A series of multivariate models confirms the role of family's socioeconomic status, parental engagement with children's education and non-authoritarian parenting styles, a positive effect that appears stronger than the effects on duty observed for Catholic schools and schools with democratic governance.

When it comes to buying military aircraft, what leads states to prefer one supplier over the other? This paper explores this question from the perspective of international relations theory. First we use social network analysis to map out fighter jet transfers during and after the Cold War and examine the extent to which historical structures of international hierarchy shape contemporary supplier-receiver relationships. Next, we use a basic probit model to analyse the origins of fighter jets in the world's air forces today to evaluate the effect of interstate orders of super-ordination and sub-ordination on sourcing patterns. All things being equal, the more a state is embedded in US security and economic hierarchy, the more it is likely to buy American-made fighter jets.

There has been renewed interest in recent years in both the foreign perceptions of the United States as well as the foreign policy attitudes of the American public. In this light, it is interesting to observe that there is a substantial body of research on Canadian public opinion toward the United States but relatively little on American public opinion toward Canada. Further, most literature neglects the effect of spatial proximity to the other country on perceptions. This article addresses both shortcomings in the literature. It investigates the mutual perceptions of the Canadian and American publics drawing on public opinion data from both Canada and the US. The explanation of attitudes toward the other country has three main foci: the roles of political party identification and political ideology; the role of spatial proximity to the Canada–US border; and the interactive relationship between political attitudes and border proximity.

The article challenges long-established conventions about how Canada's federal government works. It argues that Cabinet has joined Parliament as an institution being bypassed. In the late 1990s, political power is in the hands of the prime minister and a small group of carefully selected courtiers rather than with the prime minister acting in concert with his elected cabinet colleagues. The article reviews the forces that have led to the rise of court government and the policy instruments and administrative tools that enable it to function. National unity concerns, the role of the media and lobbyists, as well as reforms at the centre of government and globalization, have all served to reshape how policy and decisions are made in the government of Canada. The changes hold important implications, not just for cabinet government, but also for the public service and Canadians themselves.

The expanding public policy role of high courts heightens concerns over whether societal and political inequalities affect the outcomes of litigation. However, comparative research on this question is limited. This article assesses whether status inequalities between parties and differences in the experience and resources of attorneys influence the selection of cases for judicial review in the Supreme Court of Canada. A series of statistical models reveal that governments are more likely than other parties to influence whether leave is granted but that the experience and resources of lawyers, unlike in the United States, have little impact. The decentralized, low volume and high access features of the Canadian process may explain this finding.

Abstract. This article maps how Canadian political science has considered and shaped the logic of “identity” across the institutional, societal and governance dimensions of this disciplinary subfield. Focusing on the ubiquitous analytic absence of “race” in the mainstream literature, this article argues that mainstream Canadian political science reproduces a logic that limits the conversation to particular dimensions of ‘identity’ (‘identity’ as a basis of political action, a collective phenomenon denoting sameness and a core aspect of individual/collective selfhood) at the expense of others (‘identity’ as a product of social or political action, a product of multiple and competing discourses and a governmentality). In addition to this logic of ‘identity’, eight methodological tendencies in the mainstream literature further impede analyses of ‘race’. By challenging these methodological tendencies, abandoning ‘identity’ as an analytic category and reflecting on the consequences of deactivating and erasing ‘race’, Canadian political scientists may become better equipped to interrogate the operating logic of ‘identity’, to substantively incorporate ‘race’ as a conceptual, analytic and explanatory device, and perhaps most critically, begin to redefine the canon.

Résumé. Cet article retrace la manière dont la science politique canadienne a considéré et façonné la logique de «l'identité» dans certaines dimensions particulières de cette discipline, soit celles des institutions, de la société et de la gouvernance. En se concentrant sur l'absence prédominante du concept de «race» dans les analyses de la littérature conventionnelle, l'article soutient que la science politique canadienne dans la ligne du courant dominant reproduit une logique qui limite la conversation à certaines dimensions de «l'identité» (soit «l'identité» en tant que base de l'action politique, en tant que phénomène dénotant l'uniformité et en tant qu'aspect essentiel du moi individuel ou collectif) au détriment des autres (soit «l'identité» en tant que produit de l'action politique ou sociale, produit de discours multiples et rivaux, et gouvernementalité). Outre cette logique de «l'identité», huit tendances méthodologiques de la littérature conventionnelle entravent davantage les analyses de la «race». En contestant ces tendances méthodologiques, en abandonnant «l'identité» en tant que catégorie analytique et en réfléchissant aux conséquences de la désactivation et de l'effacement de la «race», les politicologues canadiens pourraient devenir mieux équipés pour interroger la logique opérante de «l'identité», pour incorporer la «race» de manière substantielle en tant que dispositif conceptuel, analytique et explicatif, et peut-être le plus important, pour commencer à redéfinir le canon.

Abstract. This study tested if the economic voting hypothesis can explain voters' support for provincial governments. Using pooled time-series data from six provinces, a popularity function was developed and tested. Findings indicate that economic conditions have an effect on provincial government popularity. Voters attribute different responsibilities, however, to different political parties. Left-wing incumbent parties are held to be accountable for unemployment, while centrist and right-wing ruling parties are accountable for public deficits. Results also show that provincial government popularity depreciates over time and is correlated to the federal government's own popularity.

Résumé. Cette étude a pour objectif de vérifier si l'hypothèse du vote économique peut expliquer la popularité des gouvernements provinciaux auprès des électeurs. Ainsi, une fonction de popularité est présentée, puis testée à l'aide de séries chronologiques provenant de six provinces canadiennes. Les résultats empiriques obtenus indiquent que la situation économique exerce une influence sur la popularité des gouvernements provinciaux. Toutefois, les électeurs attribuent différentes responsabilités à différents partis politiques. Ainsi, ils tiennent les partis de gauche responsables de la situation de l'emploi et les partis de centre et de droite responsables des déficits publics. De plus, les résultats démontrent que la popularité des gouvernements provinciaux se déprécie avec le temps et est corrélée à la popularité du gouvernement fédéral.

Abstract. The objective of this article is to understand the relations of complementarity and competition between participation mechanisms, a topic that has as yet attracted little empirical investigation, although there is discussion on this issue in the public participation literature. We study the cases of Montreal and Quebec City, where, since the amalgamations in 2002, a public assembly/referendum process has been added to the participation tools already in place in the two cities (public hearings and neighbourhood councils). What can we learn from these two cases about the impact on public participation of the diversification of tools? To explore this subject, we have chosen to use a policy instrument framework to analyze three factors that affect the interactions between policy instruments: the design of the participation tools, the meaning that the actors give to these instruments, and the institutional context in which they are implemented.

Résumé. L'objectif de cet article est de comprendre les relations de complémentarité et de compétition entre les dispositifs de participation publique, un thème peu traité empiriquement, même s'il y a des discussions sur cet enjeu dans la documentation sur la participation publique. Notre enquête porte sur le cas de Montréal et de Québec où, depuis les fusions municipales de 2002, un processus d'assemblée publique/référendum a été ajouté aux outils de participation déjà en place (audiences publiques et conseils de quartier). Qu'est-ce que ces deux cas peuvent nous apprendre sur les effets de la multiplication des dispositifs participatifs sur la pratique de la participation publique? Pour explorer ce sujet, nous analysons 3 facteurs qui influencent les interactions entre les instruments de politiques publiques : le design des dispositifs participatifs, la compréhension que les acteurs ont de ces instruments et le contexte institutionnel dans lequel ils sont mis en œuvre.

Few subjects are exposed to more pitfalls than those concerned with public opinion since the student is so completely influenced by the phenomena he attempts to describe. Objectivity may be improved by considering its development over a long period of time but even a description of this character must register the results of an astigma adjusted to present environment.

Freedom of the press in the United States emerged as a result of a clash with restrictive policies in Great Britain in the eighteenth century. Attempts of the mother country to extend such policies to the colonies involved an attack on the moulders of public opinion at a most sensitive point. Newspapers had developed in relation to printing establishments set up for the purposes of printing laws for the various assemblies and to the post office through which news and advertisements were collected and from which they were distributed. The stamp tax of 1765 imposed a heavy burden on a commodity which sold at a low price and was not to be tolerated by those chiefly concerned. They provoked an agitation which secured its withdrawal. It was followed by controversies leading to the revolution which attracted the contributions of able writers. The active role of the press in the revolution was crowned by a guarantee of freedom under the Bill of Rights.

Abstract. Studies of the local organizations of Canadian political parties often neglect those organizations' small leadership groups, the local executives. This article explores and develops a classification of constituency association executives. Interviews and participant observation in the Liberal party's constituency associations reveal that executives differ in their personnel, internal relations, organization, leadership and permeability. The result of this analysis is the development of two distinct types of executives: professional and sociable. Preliminary analysis suggests that political factors—local electoral strength and the presence of members of Parliament—play a crucial role in determining the development of professional executives.

Résumé. L'étude des organisations locales des partis politiques canadiens tend à négliger le leadership de ces petites organisations, soit les comités exécutifs de comté. Cet article explore le sujet et établit une classification de ces comités. La conduite d'entrevues et une observation participative au sein des associations de circonscription du Parti libéral révèlent que les comités exécutifs diffèrent dans leur gestion des ressources humaines, leurs relations internes, leur organisation, leur leadership et leur perméabilité. Les résultats de ces analyses permettent de dégager deux types de comité exécutif de comté, soit le type social et le type professionnel. Des analyses préliminaires permettent aussi de suggérer que des facteurs politiques – la force du parti dans la circonscription et la présence d'un élu au Parlement – jouent un rôle crucial dans la formation d'un comité exécutif de type professionnel.

To enable new research on local ideology and representation in Canada, we construct a latent measure of the policy ideology of 37,500 Canadian Election Study respondents using 56 policy-relevant questions and then use multilevel regression and poststratification to estimate the average ideological position of each of Canada's 338 federal electoral districts and 250 largest municipalities. We use these local ideology estimates to examine ideological representation in Canadian municipal politics. Combining our municipal ideology estimates with elite survey data from more than 900 Canadian municipal politicians, we find evidence of a strong relationship between mass and elite ideology. This relationship is consistent across differing municipal population sizes and institutional structures. We conclude with additional detail on our publicly available individual and aggregate measures and describe their potential uses for future research on ideology and representation in Canadian politics at all levels.

Abstract. This paper begins the analysis of complex multi-actor, multi-round decision-making processes in Canadian public policy formation. After setting out the notion of a decision-making style and its constitutive elements, the paper identifies research into complex multi-actor, multi-round decisions as a serious lacuna in the literature on public policy decision-making, despite the fact that this type of decision-making is very common in public policy-making circumstances. The paper advances research in this area through the analysis of several hypotheses raised in recent European studies concerning the conditions under which such processes are likely to successfully conclude in a decision, rather than an impasse. These hypotheses are tested against evidence taken from five cases of multi-round decision-making in Canada over the period 1995–2005: amendments to the Indian Act, the creation of Species-at-risk legislation, alterations to the Bank Act, the extension of Privacy legislation to the private sector and efforts to develop a Free Trade of the Americas Agreement (FTAA). Data on actor interactions in these five areas gleaned from on-line newspaper and media index services reveals that Canadian results do not match those arrived at in European studies, showing both different patterns of government and non-governmental activity and less volatility in actor behaviour as rounds evolve over time.

Résumé. Cet article amorce l'analyse des processus complexes des prises de décisions comportant des acteurs et des séries multiples dans l'élaboration des politiques publiques canadiennes. Après avoir établi la notion d'un style de processus décisionnel et ses éléments constitutifs, l'article avance que le manque de recherche sur les décisions complexes à acteurs et séries multiples est une sérieuse lacune dans la littérature sur le processus décisionnel des politiques publiques, alors que ce type de processus décisionnel est pratique courante dans les situations de prises de décisions en politiques publiques. L'article contribue à la recherche dans ce domaine par l'analyse de plusieurs hypothèses proposées dans de récentes études européennes concernant les conditions dans lesquelles de tels processus ont des chances d'aboutir à une décision, plutôt qu'à une impasse. Ces hypothèses ont été testées dans cinq études de cas de processus décisionnels à séries multiples au Canada entre 1995 et 2005 : les amendements de la Loi sur les Indiens, la création de la législation sur les espèces en péril, les modifications de la Loi sur les banques, l'extension au secteur privé de la législation relative à la protection de la vie privée et la conception de l'accord sur la Zone de libre-échange des Amériques (ZLEA). Les données sur les interactions des acteurs dans ces cinq domaines - données obtenues de services de journaux en ligne et de sommaires médiatiques - révèlent que les résultats canadiens ne correspondent pas à ceux des études européennes : elles montrent à la fois des différences dans les formats d'action gouvernementale et non-gouvernementale et moins d'instabilité dans les comportements des acteurs à mesure que les séries évoluent avec le temps.

This article has two objectives: one is to distinguish and explicate four concepts of solidarity which are found in the writings of Hannah Arendt; the other is to show how Arendt's respect for facts and suspicion of sentiment publicly displayed are justified. The first concept of solidarity is exclusive solidarity. It is limited to those who are suffering from exploitation or oppression. The second conception of solidarity is inclusive: it includes those who suffer but can also accommodate those who make common cause with them. This is the only kind of solidarity that Arendt specifically analyzes. A third concept of solidarity is universal: its proximate constituent parts are the different “peoples” who collectively make up humankind. Finally, there is natural solidarity. This variety of solidarity, the author argues, is conceptually inadequate and confused. In the development and articulation of each of these four concepts, some attention is given to the relative contributions of emotion and cognition in determining one's understanding of solidarity.

Two recent articles by Professors H. Scott Gordon and Anthony Scott present an interesting analysis of the conditions for economic maximization in a renewable resource industry the primary raw material for which is drawn from the public domain. While their criticism of the concepts which now govern fishery conservation programmes will be generally accepted among the handful of economists dealing with the fishing industry, some aspects of the problem call for additional consideration. In this paper I should like to elaborate and modify the general outlines of the analysis, largely in terms of a specific and important case: the Pacific halibut fishery.

As Gordon and Scott point out, the core of the “over-fishing” problem inheres in the fact that the basic resource is incapable of ownership in any meaningful sense. When the demand for a given species exceeds the level at which supplies can be drawn from local waters at relatively constant costs, further exploitation of the fishery gives rise to higher costs at both intensive and extensive margins. The catch per unit of fishing effort will decline in the closer, more populous grounds as stocks are reduced, and greater costs must be incurred in pushing fishing activities to more distant grounds. If the grounds could be and were privately owned, the incremental income resulting from, say, secular growth in demand would, of course, accrue as rent in a purely Ricardian sense. Since they are not, and since there are no substantive barriers to the entry of new vessels, the increasing aggregate returns will simply be dissipated in excess capacity and higher monetary and real costs. If the reduction in stocks, viewed with grave alarm by biologist and legislator alike, now gives rise to restrictions on the catch designed to hold fish populations at some predetermined level or to rebuild them, the increases in price, aggregate returns, and excess capacity will continue. There is obviously no assurance that the final effect on economic output over time relative to total factor inputs is the same, better, or worse than in the absence of such restrictions.

The principle of guaranteed parliamentary representation for the Maori remains a contentious feature of New Zealand's political structure. This concession originated in 1867 to solve the “Maori problem” by means consistent with the competing interests of government and Maori. But despite intrinsic drawbacks within the present system, neither Maoris nor the major political parties have initiated fundamental reforms in the design of Maori seats for fear of tampering with the status quo. Recently, with the resurgence of Maori assertiveness, developments have transpired aimed at redefining the status of separate representation. Whether or not this strategy for the political accommodation of minority groups can be transferred to other contexts—such as Canada—is open to debate.

This review essay examines the contribution of the Canadian National Election Studies to understanding vote choice in Canada. Analyses using both the sociological approach and the social-psychological approach are discussed. The essay starts with a review of the debates about the role of class, region and religion in Canadian voting and then goes on to discuss the applicability of the concept of party identification to Canada. An evaluation of both recursive and non-recursive models of vote choice follows. The review calls for social psychological approaches to take the social context of political choice more seriously and points to the need for sociological approaches to conceptualize social categories as live social forces.

I argue in this article that migrant workers’ resistance to neoliberalism, as seen through their participation in the migrant organizations highlights their ability to establish ‘spaces of power’ amid debilitating living and working conditions. This, then, illustrates how feminism in the 21st century is alive and well. In fact, the strengths of their activism show the transformative and radical possibilities of feminism by highlighting that structural transformations, and not only liberal attempts at inclusion, are necessary for gender justice.

Abstract. This paper evaluates the importance of social capital for political participation of native-born Canadians and immigrants. The Survey of Social Engagement in Canada, a large survey of Canadians conducted by Statistics Canada in 2003, is used in order to test the role of social relations and connections in accounting for political participation. Analyses show that although the “usual suspects” play important roles in explaining political activities, the main culprit is social capital. Among social capital measures, though all are important, associational involvement and social networks, followed by trust and volunteering, are the best predictors of political participation. Moreover, the effect of social capital varies by period of immigration. Theoretical and policy implications of findings are discussed.

Résumé. Cet article évalue l'importance du capital social pour la participation politique des Canadiens de naissance et des immigrés. L'Enquête sociale générale, cycle 17 : L'Engagement social, une grande enquête menée par Statistique Canada en 2003, sert de toile de fond pour estimer le rôle des rapports et liens sociaux dans la participation politique. Les analyses montrent que, bien que d'autres facteurs connus jouent un rôle dans le choix d'activités politiques, le plus important est le capital social. Parmi les mesures de ce facteur, qui sont toutes importantes, l'activité au sein d'une association et les réseaux sociaux, suivis de la confiance et du travail bénévole, sont les meilleurs prédicteurs de la participation politique. Suit une discussion des conséquences théoriques de ces résultats et de leur incidence sur la politique générale.

Canada is on the threshold of a major transformation in its ethnic and racial profile. Relative rates of immigration from European and non-European countries have reversed during the past 40 years. What impact has this had on the attitudes of the dominant white majority? This article provides a partial answer to this question by examining the attitudes and voting behaviour of this majority when faced with increasing concentrations of visible-minority neighbours. Attitudinal data from the 1997 and 2000 Canadian Election Studies were combined with data from the 1996 census to measure socio-economic status and the visible-minority population of the neighbourhoods occupied by survey respondents. Regression analysis reveals two different contextual effects involving the attitudes of the majority toward visible minorities. Positive attitudes towards visible minorities increase with neighbourhood socio-economic status, a finding consistent with "social identity" theory. However, positive attitudes toward racial minorities decline when the visible-minority population increases, a finding consistent with "realistic conflict" theory. Both contextual effects have implications for voting. Independent of individual characteristics, white voters are more likely to support Reform/Alliance if they live in less-educated environments or among higher numbers of visible-minority neighbours.