The debate surrounding the transformative potential of gender mainstreaming has revived concerns of co-optation of equality work and resistance first expressed by early feminist public administration scholars. In this article, we explore how gender analysts exercised their agency and carved out spaces within the bureaucracy to articulate and advance a gender focus in policy work. Employing discursive, institutional and relational strategies, gender analysts simultaneously used and pushed back against hierarchical bureaucratic discourses as they operationalized Gender-Based Analysis Plus (GBA+) in the federal public bureaucracy. These micro-level acts of resistance, on their own, do not lead to social transformation. However, by creating spaces for feminist knowledge and activism within the state, these local strategies can contribute to the broader feminist agenda.

Abstract. This study seeks to add to the current understanding of the political nature of the Supreme Court of Canada. We analyze a data set consisting of all nonunanimous published Supreme Court decisions for the period 1949 to 2000. A prior study by Tate and Sittiwong (1989) suggested a model of judge attributes for the period 1949 to 1985. We build on that analysis by extending the time period to 2000, which allows the impact of gender also to be assessed. We find that since the Court gained substantial docket control, the types of cases the Court hears has changed from the period studied by Tate and Sittiwong. In the more recent period, civil rights and liberties cases are much more substantial in number. We conclude some of the variables in the Tate and Sittiwong study may be time bound and we suggest a new model of attitudinal voting.

Résumé. Cet étude cherche de augmenter le savoir courant du le nature politique du Cour suprême du Canada. Nous analysons un ensemble de données non unanime compose de tout décisions publié du Cour suprême entre les années 1949 à 1985. Une enquête précède fait par Tate et Sittiwong (1989) a proposé un modèle des attributs des juges pour la période entre 1949 à 1985. Nous poursuivons laquelle analyse pour prolonger la période du temps jusqu'à 2000, ce que on permettre évalue l'effet du sexe aussi. Nous trouvons que comme le Cour a conquis considérable control du registre, les gendres dossier entendre par le Cour ont changé depuis le période de enquête de Tate y Sittiwong. Pendent le période plus récent les dossiers concernant les droits civiles et libertés sont beaucoup plus nombreux. Nous concluons que possiblement, quelques variables de l'enquête du Tate et Sittiwong soient liées par le temp et nous proposent un modèle neuf des votes attitudinal.

This article is a comparative case study of environmental regulation in Canada and the United States, focussing on one important area of environmental regulation, pesticides, and on the treatment of North America's most commercially important pesticide, alachlor. Alachlor is a clear case of policy divergence: Canadians have banned the substance while the US has decided to keep it on the market with minimal restrictions. Three major explanations for the divergence are explored: science, interest group politics, and legal and institutional arrangements. The article concludes that while different interpretations of the risks posed by alachlor contributed to the different decisions, they can only be explained with reference to the economic importance of alachlor and the need to maintain the legitimacy of current institutional arrangements. The concluding section outlines a framework for explaining similarities and differences in environmental, health and safety regulations across nations.

This study proposes a new model for assessing success in interest group litigation. The model is applied to 47 appeal court rulings concerning feminist issues in 21 cases involving the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and 26 non-Charter cases. The study operationalizes the concept of ''success'' by including not just outcome (''who wins''), but also the effect of the case on the ''policy status quo'' (PSQ) and the creation of favourable or unfavourable legal resources (precedents). Feminist claims prevailed in 72 per cent of the cases. The PSQ optic reveals that previous studies overstate the significance of feminist losses (13), since only three of these changed the PSQ in a direction opposed by feminists. There were 17 cases that changed the PSQ in a direction desired by feminists. Feminist litigation has been most successful in the policy areas of abortion, private-sector discrimination and pornography. Success has been lowest in the areas of sexual assault and income tax. These findings suggest that interest group litigation can achieve significant policy change and that the scope of policy studies should be expanded to include judge-made policy.

Abstract. Public sector websites are heavily invested in influencing policy outcomes through information provisioning and dissemination. Traditionally e-government research has focused on the internal functions of e-government studying service delivery, horizontal information processing integration and levels of implementation maturity. This paper shifts the analytical focus to external-facing e-government to consider the macro presentation of state-sponsored sites on the Web. To evaluate the external face of Canadian e-government this project measures the web-based impact of public sector websites in virtual policy networks. Virtual policy networks are web-based issues networks containing content on a specific policy topic and connected through hyperlinks. It is argued that government's online nodality in these networks is an indicator of public sector websites' authority and influence on the Web.

Résumé. Les sites Internet du secteur public sont fortement consacrés à influencer les résultats des politiques publiques en offrant et en disséminant de l'information. Par le passé, la recherche sur l'e-gouvernement s'est concentrée sur ses fonctions internes, en étudiant la distribution des services, l'intégration horizontale du traitement de l'information et les niveaux de maturité de la mise en œuvre. Cet article déplace la focale analytique vers les fonctions externes de l'e-gouvernement, en considérant une macroprésentation de sites étatiques sur la toile. Afin d'évaluer la dimension externe de l'e-gouvernement canadien, ce projet mesure l'impact Internet de sites du secteur public dans des réseaux virtuels de politiques publiques. Les réseaux virtuels de politiques publiques sont des réseaux Internet traitant de questions particulières; ils contiennent des renseignements sur des questions précises de politiques publiques et sont reliés entre eux par des hyperliens. L'auteure soutient que la nodalité en ligne du gouvernement dans ces réseaux est un indicateur de l'autorité des sites Internet du secteur public et de leur influence sur le reste de la toile.

Abstract. In 1977, the Inuit and the Innu in Labrador each submitted statements of intent to begin treaty negotiations with the federal and provincial governments under the federal comprehensive land claims process. On 22 January 2005, the Inuit, the federal government, and the province of Newfoundland and Labrador signed the Labrador Inuit Land Claims Agreement. The Innu, on the other hand, are nowhere near to completing their agreement. This paper seeks to explain why the Inuit were able to complete their agreement, whereas the Innu were not. It challenges the conventional explanation that an economic development project is a necessary condition for completing a treaty by arguing that a number of internal and external factors need to be taken into account.

Résumé. En 1977, les Inuits ainsi que les Innus du Labrador ont respectivement annoncé leur intention de lancer des négociations en vue de conclure un traité avec les gouvernements fédéral et provincial en vertu du processus des recendications territoriales globales. Le 22 janvier 2005, les Inuits, le gouvernement fédéral et la province de Terre-Neuve-et-Labrador ont conclu l'Accord sur les revendications territoriales des Inuit du Labrador. Les Innus, de leur côté, sont encore loin d'une entente. Cet article cherche à expliquer pourquoi les Inuits ont pu signer un accord alors que les Innus n'y sont pas parvenus. L'article remet en question l'explication souvent avancée voulant qu'un projet de développement économique soit une condition nécessaire à l'achèvement d'une entente et soutient plutôt qu'un ensemble de facteurs intérieurs et extérieurs doivent être pris en compte.

Abstract. The literatures of both federalism and urban politics conclude that economic, technological and political changes on a global scale have produced limitations on the capacities of national governments, while enhancing the economic and political importance of urban-centred regions. A practical implication is that cities have become central to the study of federalism. This article attempts a synthesis of what we can learn from the federalism and urban politics literatures about the governance of cities in the twenty-first century. It considers the argument in favour of charter cities, as well as the advocacy of a stronger central government to preserve the social safety net, and concludes that both positions are premised on a traditional, hierarchical view of intergovernmental relations, a view that is out of keeping with the exigencies of a borderless world. Instead, it poses the following question: How can we have policies that are truly national and yet fully take into account the very significant differences among regions and communities? The article draws on recent research on the impact of federal policies regarding homelessness and immigration in Vancouver, Winnipeg and Saint John, as well as other research, to consider whether the federal government is doing the best it can to preserve national standards while respecting community difference. It concludes by defining three policy models that show varying degrees of promise in achieving that objective.

Résumé. Les recherches courantes sur le fédéralisme et sur la politique urbaine avancent que les changements économiques, technologiques et politiques qui se produisent à l'échelle mondiale affaiblissent les capacités des gouvernements nationaux tout en renforçant l'importance économique et politique des centres urbains. Il en découle, sur le plan pratique, que les centres urbains sont devenus un sujet essentiel de l'étude du fédéralisme. Le présent article tente de faire une synthèse de ce que les recherches sur le fédéralisme et la politique urbaine peuvent nous enseigner sur la gouvernance des villes au 21e siècle. Après avoir examiné l'argument en faveur des villes à charte et celui qui préconise un renforcement du gouvernement central pour préserver le filet de sécurité sociale, l'article conclut que les deux arguments sont fondés sur une conception traditionnelle et hiérarchique des relations intergouvernementales, et que cette conception ne répond plus aux exigences d'un monde sans frontières. Puis, il pose la question suivante : comment peut-on formuler des politiques qui soient véritablement nationales et qui, en même temps, tiennent compte des différences importantes entre les régions et les communautés? S'inspirant principalement d'une enquête récente sur le retentissement des politiques fédérales sur les problèmes des sans-abri et de l'immigration à Vancouver, à Winnipeg et à Saint-Jean N.-B., l'article examine dans quelle mesure le gouvernement fédéral s'efforce de sauvegarder des normes nationales tout en respectant les différences régionales. En conclusion, il propose trois modèles politiques qui seraient susceptibles, à des degrés divers, d'atteindre cet objectif.

During the recent session of Parliament a Conservative member flourished a small garment before the House to dramatize the fact that a Canadian baby is surrounded by the influence of our tariff from the time he is first wrapped in a tariff-protected blanket until at length he is driven out to some cemetery in a tariff-protected hearse and interred in a tariff-protected coffin. And yet I suspect that most economists have been less surprised at the continued importance of our tariff than at the consistency with which Canada has moved in the direction of freer trade during the past decade or more. One admittedly defective measure of tariff levels, the ratio of the total amount of duty collected to the total value of dutiable imports, has fallen from 29.6 per cent in 1933 to 18.6 per cent in 1953 and during the past few years has been at its lowest level since Confederation. Moreover, despite the acute import competition in a number of industries during recent years, the Government has steadily refused any openly protective measures on their behalf. The sharp declines in employment in our woollen textile and deep-sea shipping industries suggest a willingness to tolerate substantial readjustments in employment arising at least in part out of the changing pattern of international competition. The active role our Government has taken in supporting the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, the International Monetary Fund and the International Bank and in pressing for a removal of quantitative restrictions and the restoration of a more multilateral pattern of trade is further evidence of tins freer-trade attitude. After a regrettable lapse in 1947, Canada has been one of the few countries that has managed to avoid the use of import quotas since the end of the war and is almost alone in her abandonment of exchange controls. Then too, in line with the provisions of GATT, our regulations with respect to the valuation of goods for duty purposes and the application of dumping duties have been revised and in some respects made even more liberal than a strict interpretation of GATT would require. Even the party of Sir John A. Macdonald no longer gives outright support to the cause of protection. One European economist has suggested that Canada now has the most open economy in the world. Nowhere else is the international movement of goods, people, and capital as free as it is across the Canadian border.

Abstract. Public opinion shifted markedly between 2006 and 2007 regarding Canadian military participation in Afghanistan. Multivariate analysis of survey data reveals that the interplay of cognitive and emotional responses fractured support and consolidated opposition to the mission. Subsequently, a major government communication strategy, aimed at bolstering support for the Afghan mission succeeded at an informational level but failed to connect at an emotional one, leaving overall support for the mission essentially unchanged. Our analysis points to the need for nuanced interpretation of shifts in public support for war as well as in assessing political marketing efforts by government.

Résumé. L'opinion publique s'est nettement décalée entre 2006 et 2007 concernant la participation militaire canadienne en Afghanistan. L'analyse multi variée des données d'aperçu indique que l'effet des réponses cognitives et émotives a divisé l'appui et a consolidé l'opposition à la mission. D'ailleurs, une stratégie importante de communication du gouvernement, destinée à augmenter le soutien de la mission afghane a réussi à un niveau informationnel, mais ne s'est pas reliée au niveau émotif, laissant le soutien global de la mission essentiellement inchangé. Notre analyse indique le besoin d'une interprétation diversifiée et nuancée des variations de soutien public face à la guerre ainsi qu'une évaluation du marketing politique du gouvernement.

Abstract. It is assumed that civic education has persistent effects on political attitudes and behaviours of young citizens. There is no consensus, however, on what kind of efforts have the strongest effects on specific outcomes, like political knowledge and intended political participation. In some of the older literature, it has been shown that effects of civic education are stronger for children from a visible minority background. This article takes up these questions using a dataset with a sample of 15–17-year olds from Canada (n = 3,334). The results show that active efforts for civic education can make a difference. Especially community service, a rather new form of civic education, fosters political knowledge and conventional future participation. However, in Canada, adolescents from a visible minority background do not benefit disproportionately from civic education efforts.

Résumé. On soutient que l'éducation à la citoyenneté amène des effets positifs durables sur les attitudes et les comportements politiques des jeunes. Toutefois, il n'existe pas de consensus concernant les efforts spécifiques les plus fructueux pour stimuler les connaissances et la participation politiques. Dans cet article nous examinons premièrement l'ampleur des effets de l'éducation à la citoyenneté. Deuxièmement, nous examinons la thèse selon laquelle ce sont les minorités visibles qui bénéficient le plus de ces efforts – position défendue dans une partie de la littérature plus ancienne sur le sujet. Ces deux questions sont étudiées quantitativement en utilisant un groupe témoin de jeunes Canadiens de 15 à 17 ans (n = 3334). Les résultats révèlent que les efforts actifs dans le domaine de l'éducation à la citoyenneté ont un effet sur les attitudes et les comportements politiques. Le service communautaire, entre autres, une nouvelle forme d'éducation à la citoyenneté, sensibilise les jeunes à la politique et favorise leur participation conventionnelle future. Nous ne trouvons pas, en revanche, d'effet différentiel notable chez les adolescents des minorités visibles.

This article examines the effect of the media during the 1988 Canadian election. Using National Election Study data, three questions are investigated: do those with different patterns of media exposure change their vote intentions at different times; do those with higher media exposure remain more stable in their vote intentions, and do the media prime leadership? The article argues that patterns of media exposure have an effect: those with higher exposure to the media lead the opinion of others by about one week, they are more stable in their vote intentions, and they are more likely to vote on the basis of their trust in the leaders than on issue positions (in this case, the Free Trade Agreement) or party identification. However, there were few differences between those who relied on television as opposed to print for their information.

We address two questions: How many voters particularly like a candidate from another party? And do these voters vote for their preferred party or their preferred candidate? We use the Making Electoral Democracy Work data for the 2015 Canadian federal election in three provinces (British Columbia, Ontario and Quebec). We find that one voter out of ten particularly liked a candidate from a party other than the one he or she preferred. For two out of five of such voters, the preference for the local candidate trumped the party preference.

Abstract. A key challenge for comparative politics is to explain the varying degrees of political conflict triggered by the territorial redistribution of financial resources. Federal systems pose this question particularly acutely since they typically operate equalization programs that generate different levels and patterns of intergovernmental conflict. For instance, in Canada equalization has generated serious conflict between federal and provincial governments whereas in Australia it has only led to low-level grumblings on the part of some states which have taken shots at others. This article sheds light on the causes for conflict around the territorial redistribution of financial resources by explaining why equalization has produced more severe intergovernmental conflict in Canada than in Australia. It argues that institutional factors linked to the governance structures of equalization and the nature of federalism are at the heart of the cross-national difference. More specifically, the presence of an arms-length agency administrating equalization in Australia compared to executive discretion over the program in Canada and the weaker status and lesser power of states in comparison to Canadian provinces means that equalization policy is more subject to political challenges in Australia than in Canada.

Résumé. Une question majeure pour la politique comparée contemporaine, et plus particulièrement le fédéralisme comparé, est celle des conflits politiques et intergouvernementaux générés par la distribution territoriale des ressources fiscales. Au Canada, au cours de la dernière décennie, le programme de péréquation a suscité des conflits importants entre le gouvernement fédéral et les provinces, tandis qu'en Australie la péréquation ne provoque qu'un mécontentement épisodique entre les états fédérés. Cet article cherche à expliquer cette différence. Il suggère que des facteurs institutionnels liés à la gouvernance de la péréquation et à la nature des systèmes fédéraux sont au centre de l'explication. Plus précisément, l'article suggère que la présence d'une agence quasi-indépendante pour administrer la péréquation en Australie et son absence au Canada ainsi que la faiblesse relative des états australiens par rapport aux provinces canadiennes font que la péréquation au Canada est plus sujette aux attaques politiques qu'en Australie.

On the assumption that the primary interest in the “ancients” in such a field as economics is to learn from their mistakes, the principal theme of this discussion will be the contrast between the “classical” system and “correct” views. The system is taken in the sense indicated by the title, with little regard to other writers than Ricardo's own great master and the two successors most competent and closest to his own spirit, Senior and Mill. While our special interest is distribution theory, it is useful to have in the background clear views of essential doctrines or points of view in the authors' theory of value or price; for these are often closely connected with fallacies in the other field. It will be appropriate to give by way of introduction a kind of formal list of main deficiencies and sources of error in the system as a whole. At least seven such “aberrations” appear to have vital importance.

The first to be noticed is the unfortunate conception of value, in negative terms—cost, interpreted as “pain”—instead of positive terms—desire or utility. This fallacy occurs explicitly in the parts of the argument which have come to be referred to in the literature as the “philosophical” account of value. Specific discussion of the determination of value (price) as a quantity (the “empirical account”) runs, indeed, largely in other, more “correct” terms, of the equalization of return from productive expenditure in different fields through correct allocation.

Abstract. Increased regulation of political ethics has not produced a growing satisfaction with the conduct of politics or the behaviour of politicians. We examine the proposition that regulation produces a convergence of attitudes and expectations between politicians and the public in the realm of political ethics. A distinction is drawn between political ethics conceived as a policy issue and as a process issue. Two models based on that distinction are derived and examined in the context of data drawn from Canada. We observe differences between politicians and the public on critical dimensions, differences that overpower partisan positions. Our conclusions support, with some reservations, the “worlds apart” model and caution against an overinvestment in ethics regulation as a means of restoring public faith in the political process.

Résumé. Les citoyens ne sont pas plus satisfaits du processus politique ni du comportement des politiciens depuis que l'éthique politique est plus réglementée. Nous étudions la prémisse selon laquelle la réglementation produit, en ce qui a trait à l'éthique politique, une convergence des attitudes et des attentes entre les politiciens et l'électorat. Deux conceptions distinctes de l'éthique politique émergent de notre propos: celle qui renvoie aux politiques en tant que telles et celle qui renvoie au processus politique. Sur la base de cette distinction, nous dérivons ainsi deux modèles et les examinons dans le contexte de données recueillies au Canada. Nous observons entre les politiciens et l'électorat certaines différences dans des domaines essentiels et ces différences transcendent les lignes partisanes. Nos conclusions soutiennent, avec quelques réserves, le modèle des “mondes à part” et mettent en garde contre une surenchère de la réglementation de l'éthique pour restaurer la confiance de l'électorat envers le processus politique.

The SARS-CoV-2 virus was first identified in Wuhan, China, in late December 2019, and it quickly spread to many countries. By March 2020, the virus had triggered a global pandemic (World Health Organization, 2020). In response to this crisis, governments have implemented unprecedented public health measures. The success of these policies will largely depend on the public's willingness to comply with new rules. A key factor in citizens’ willingness to comply is their understanding of the data that motivate government action. In this study, we examine how different ways of presenting these data visually can affect citizen's perceptions, attitudes and support for public policy.